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JESUITS 




Juana, S.J.: The Past (and Future?) 
Status of Women in the Society of Jesus 



Lisa Fullam 



31/5 • NOVEMBER 1999 



THE SEMINAR ON JESUIT SPIRITUALITY 

The Seminar is composed of a number of Jesuits appointed from their provinc 
the United States. 

It concerns itself with topics pertaining to the spiritual doctrine and prac- 
tice of Jesuits, especially United States Jesuits, and communicates the results to the 
members of the provinces through its publication, STUDIES IN THE SPIRITUALIT 
JESUITS. This is done in the spirit of Vatican IPs recommendation that religious 
institutes recapture the original inspiration of their founders and adapt it to the 
circumstances of modern times. The Seminar welcomes reactions or comments in 
regard to the material that it publishes. 

The Seminar focuses its direct attention on the life and work of the Jesuits 
of the United States. The issues treated may be common also to Jesuits of other 
regions, to other priests, religious, and laity, to both men and women. Hence, the 
journal, while meant especially for American Jesuits, is not exclusively for them. 
Others who may find it helpful are cordially welcome to make use of it. 

CURRENT MEMBERS OF THE SEMINAR 

William A. Barry, S.J., directs the tertianship program and is a writer at Cam- 
pion Renewal Center, Weston, MA (1999). 

Richard A. Blake, S.J., teaches film studies at Boston College, Chestnut Hill, 
MA (1998). 

Philip J. Chmielewski, S.J., teaches religious social ethics at Loyola University, 
Chicago, IL (1998). 

Richard J. Clifford, S.J., teaches Old Testament at Weston Jesuit School of 
Theology, Cambridge, MA (1997). 

Gerald M. Fagin, S.J., teaches theology in the Institute for Ministry at Loyola 
University, New Orleans, LA (1997). 

Richard J. Hauser, S.J., teaches theology and directs the graduate programs in 
theology, ministry, and spirituality at Creighton University, Omaha, NE 
(1998). 

Thomas M. Lucas, S.J., chairs the Department of Fine and Performing Arts and 
teaches therein at the University of San Francisco, CA (1998). 

John M. McManamon, S.J., teaches history at Loyola-Marymount University, 
Los Angeles, CA (1999). 

Edward T. Oakes, S.J., teaches theology at Regis University, Denver, CO 
(1997). 

John W. Padberg, S.J., is chairman of the Seminar, editor of STUDIES, and direc- 
tor and editor at the Institute of Jesuit Sources (1986). 

Timothy E. Toohig, S.J., a high-energy physicist, does research and administra- 
tion in Washington and lives at Georgetown University, DC (1997). 

The opinions expressed in STUDIES are those of the individual authors thereof. Parenthe- 
ses designate year of entry as a Seminar member. 

Copyright © 1999 and published by the Seminar on Jesuit Spirituality 
3601 Lindell Blvd., St. Louis, MO 63108 
(Tel. 314-977-7257; Fax 314-977-7263) 



Juana, S.J.: The Past (and Future?) 

Status of Women 
in the Society of Jesus 



Lisa Fullam 



STUDIES IN THE SPIRITUALITY OF JESUITS 

31/5 • NOVEMBER 1999 



Of all things . . . 



It may be that for Jesuit readers of STUDIES there is no challenge as Jesuits 
a at the end of this millennium and the beginning of the next." Or maybe they just 
don't like to write letters. In the last issue of STUDIES, I noted that Jivan, the journal 
of the Jesuits of South Asia, "asked this question of several South Asian Jesuits of 
every age and background with this stipulation: 'Give us a personal reply . . . not a 
bookish answer, but please be brief." STUDIES extended "that same invitation to any 
and all Jesuits of the United States Assistancy. Write us a brief personal letter in 
answer to that question: What challenges you as a Jesuit at the end of this millen- 
nium and at the beginning of the next? I said that we would "try to publish a good 
selection of those replies in our Letters section in subsequent issues of STUDIES." So 
far, there have been no takers, no letters. The offer still stands. 

In September I attended a meeting in Paris of the organizing committee for 
the next international Colloquium on the History and Spirituality of the Society. 
That Colloquium will be held in the early autumn of 2001 and, for the first time 
(and we hope for many times in the future), at Loyola in Spain. The theme of the 
meeting is "Partnership with Others." You will be hearing more about the meeting 
in the future. 

Another gathering that you will be hearing about follows upon the highly 
successful and well attended Ignatian Spirituality Conference held in St. Louis this 
past summer, whose theme was "Companions in the Mission of Christ." More than 
four hundred participated in this meeting, of whom approximately three hundred 
were laypeople and one hundred were Jesuits. I wrote about that gathering in the 
previous issue of STUDIES, and National Jesuit News published an article on it in its 
latest number. In all likelihood, a second conference will be held in two or three 
years in response to the enthusiasm which the first aroused. Do you have any 
suggestions for a central theme for that meeting? They will be welcomed. 

When someone tells me about an interesting article or a worthwhile book 
that I might have missed, he does me a great favor. Perhaps you will think the same 
in case you have missed the following "good reads." They range from brief articles to 
a fairly lengthy book. All of them I found both interesting and worthwhile. The first 
is neither an article nor a book but, of all things, a musical for the millennium. 
Called "Jubilee 2000," it was written for and produced in the diocese of Phoenix and 
since then in a variety of other places in the United States and Canada. The lyrics are 
by Robert Blair Kaiser, whom some will remember as the unusually knowledgeable 
Roman correspondent for Time during Vatican II, and the music is by Bob and 
Bernice Smith of Phoenix. More information and perhaps a CD or a video cassette 
can be obtained from Mr. and Mrs. Robert Smith, 2230 East Heatherbrae, Phoenix, 
AZ 85016. 

If you did not see the New York Times Sunday Magazine of October 17 and 
its article on St. Ignatius, try to read the article on the web. In a section entitled 
"Personalities," which included brief sketches of people as diverse as Heloise, 
Rasputin, and Werner Heisenberg, the novelist Mary Gordon wrote most apprecia- 



ui 



tively of Ignatius in a piece entitled "Ignatius of Loyola, The Saintly Boss." To quote 
just two sentences, lest I get into copyright trouble: "I offer Ignatius of Loyola as an 
example of an admirable leader . . . because of his gifts of flexibility, a concern for 
the inner as well as the organizational life of those he led, and a genuine heartfelt 
connection to those under his charge." The second sentence reads, "Even if the 
Jesuits had disappeared, Ignatius's Spiritual Exercises, which he wrote to help the 
members focus their inner lives, would be a monument to discernment and insight." 

Many of our readers already know The Way, an English Jesuit journal of 
spirituality. Regularly The Way publishes a supplement; its most recent one, no. 95, 
entitled Retreats in Transition, has among its sixteen informative articles three that 
our readers might find especially interesting and helpful. The first of them, by Joseph 
Tetlow, S.J., is entitled "The Remarkable Shifts of the Third Transition." It details 
the third of three major transitions in retreats that began a century ago. The first of 
those transitions takes us through that century. The second began in 1922 when 
Pope Pius XI declared St. Ignatius "patron of all spiritual exercises," and ran until the 
Second Vatican Council. The third transition began seemingly abruptly at the end of 
the 1960s. What has happened to Ignatian retreats in the years since then? The 
second article, by James Bowler, S.J., "Transforming Iron John: Caring for the Male 
Soul," asks how men define themselves and discusses an appropriate spirituality for 
their characteristics. The third article, by Philip Endean, S.J., "Transitions and 
Controls in Early Ignatian Retreats: The Legacy of the Directories," illustrates a 
struggle over finding the balance between two sensitivities— to the Ignatian text and 
to the reactions it evokes among retreatants. This struggle about how the Exercises 
should be used began early, and is not necessarily one that must be resolved; rather it 
is the hallmark of any Christian practice. 

As for a book, not an easy read but a fascinating and important one, you 
might wish to look at Papal Primacy: From Its Origins to the Present by Klaus Schatz, 
S.J. Note that this is not a history of the papacy or of papal infallibility. It is 
specifically the first complete history of papal primacy. Has the papal office always 
been what it now is, and will it always be the same as it is today? Schatz traces the 
development of the idea of the papacy as a center of teaching and jurisdiction from 
its earliest Roman beginnings up to today. Papal primacy has grown with the 
Church, and it remains a reality imbedded in the Church as a living community 
open to change. The book is a "Michael Glazier book" published by The Liturgical 
Press. Its ISBN is 0-8146-5522-x. It has 197 pages and its price is $19.95. 

As for our frequent remarks on Jesuit anniversaries, Jesuits serving as 
chaplains in the armed forces might wish to recall in the year 2000 the 450th 
anniversary of the first instance of a Jesuit army chaplain. In 1550 Diego Lafnez, one 
of Ignatius's first companions and later second general of the Society, accompanied 
the Spanish army and ministered to its members in their campaign on the coast of 
Africa. He came home unscathed. Not so lucky fifty years later were three Jesuits 
who during their service as chaplains were executed by Protestants in 1600 while 
serving as chaplains with the Catholic army in the religious wars in the Netherlands. 



John W. Padberg, SJ. 
Editor 



IV 



CONTENTS 



Prefatory Note vi 

Why This Paper? 1 

Introduction 2 

The Setting 5 

The Players 14 

Isabel Roser 15 

Juana of Spain 23 

And Now? 31 

Inculturation 32 

Priesthood 34 

But Why? 36 

A reexamination of the nature, scope, and distinctiveness 
of Jesuit vocation, 36 

A model of collaboration in a divided Church, 36 

A focus on the role of vowed religious in collaboration 

with laity, 37 

A response to a pastoral need, 37 

The magis, 38 

Conclusion 39 

SOURCES: Ignatius of Loyola to Mary of Austria 40 

LETTERS TO THE EDITOR 42 



V 



Prefatory Note 

l\t least three documents of the Thirty-Fourth General Congregation help in fashion- 
ing the context of the present issue of STUDIES. They are "On Having a Proper Attitude 
of Service in the Church" (document 11), "Cooperation with the Laity in Mission" 
(document 13), and "Jesuits and the Situation of Women in Church and Civil Society" 
(document 14). No single quotation, nor even three of them, one from each document, 
make up that context. Rather, it is the ensemble of what the congregation said that does 
so. Yet, the following statements may help set that context and may lead us back to the 
full text of the documents. 

Can we be surprised that this deepened sense of the coresponsibility of 
all God's people for the whole life of the Church has led to more voices 
speaking, and that they are not all saying the same thing? This is a source 
of vitality— as well as of creative tensions. ("A Proper Attitude of Service," 
no. 305) 

The Society of Jesus acknowledges as a grace of our day and a hope for 
the future that laity "take an active, conscientious, and responsible part in 
the mission of the Church in this great moment of history." ("Cooperation 
with the Laity," no. 331, quoting John Paul II, Cbristi fideles laici. no. 3) 

In the first place, we invite all Jesuits to listen carefully and coura- 
geously to the experience of women. Many women feel that men simply do 
not listen to them. There is no substitute for such listening. ("Jesuits and 
the Situation of Women," no. 372) 

On only three previous occasions has an author who was not a Jesuit contrib- 
uted an essay to STUDIES. In the March-May 1978 issue, "Affectivity and Sexuality," Sr. 
Madeline Birmingham, R.C., Mr. Robert J. Fahey, and Mrs. Virginia Sullivan Finn 
served as authors along with several Jesuits. Dr. David J. O'Brien, professor of history at 
the College of the Holy Cross, was the author of the November 1981 issue, "The Jesuits 
and Catholic Higher Education." Finally, Dr. Paul Shore wrote on Ludolph of Saxony 
and the Spiritual Exercises in January 1998. 

The author of the present article is a laywoman. She brings to her presentation 
both historical knowledge and contemporary concerns. She both raises questions not 
previously asked and, I am sure, will stimulate further questions in the minds of our 
readers just as she raised questions, some of them presently unanswerable, in the minds 
of the members of the Seminar when we discussed this essay with her at length. The 
Seminar members hope that the essay will raise appropriate questions and encourage 
creative comments, and that we will hear from you about them, in our Letters to the 
Editor section if you so wish. 

As Father General Peter-Hans Kolvenbach said in a talk entitled "Laity and 
Women in the Church of the Millennium," delivered before a group of lay and Jesuit 
colleagues in Merida, Venezuela, 

[t]he laity have something to say; they feel themselves an integral part of 
the mission of the Company; they are waiting for the fulfillment of many 
expectations in their lives and in their mission in the Church and in the 
world. Jesuits all over the world wanted the Company to take its stance 
toward the laity, and they asked the 34th General Congregation to take 
action on that more frequently than on anything else. 

John W. Padberg, S.J. 

Chairman of the Seminar on Jesuit Spirituality 
Editor of STUDIES IN THE SPIRITUALITY OF JESUITS 



in 



Juana, S.J.: The Past (and Future?) 
Status of Women in the Society of Jesus 



Why This Paper? 

The purpose of this paper is to invite Jesuits to a discernment con- 
cerning the admission of women to membership in the Society of 
Jesus. What is needed to offer a starting point for such a discern- 
ment? First, we must have some awareness of the relevant history. Without 
a solid historical foundation, any discernment would be meaningless. Most 
of this paper will deal with the historical and social issues that shaped the 
early Society's consideration of the admission of women. In particular, we 
will ask, What did Ignatius say about the possibility of women Jesuits, and 
how was that played out in his interactions with women who wished to 
enter the Society? In this I am, like most writers on this subject, indebted to 
Hugo Rahner for his 1956 work Saint Ignatius' Letters to Women, which is a 
strikingly comprehensive account of that aspect of Ignatius' correspondence. 1 

But much has changed since 1956. Certainly, new data about the 
sixteenth century has emerged; for example, information about confraterni- 
ties existing at that time has contributed to a more nuanced feel for the 
texture of social life in Europe at this time. But no less significant is it that 



I would like to thank all those kind people who took the time to read and 
comment on various versions of this paper. Particular thanks go to John W. O'Malley, 
S.J., for his insightful comments on this essay as it was in preparation. Any errors to be 
found are, of course, entirely my own. 

Hugo Rahner, S.J., Saint Ignatius Loyola: Letters to Women (Freiburg, 
Germany: SJ. Herder, 1956). 



Ms Lisa Fullam is currently a doctoral student in ethics at the Harvard 
Divinity School. Her address is 65 Meridian Street, Melrose, Mass. 02176. Her e-mail 
address is < lfullam@hotmail.com > . 



2 •!• Lisa Fullam 

our own the cultural milieu has changed to such an extent. This is especially 
true with regard to women's roles in our own society. Women's opportuni- 
ties for participation and leadership in most areas of social life have expanded 
dramatically. It is at most only a slight exaggeration to say that the role of 
women in society has changed more from Rahner's time to the present than 
from Ignatius's time to Rahner's. History is an ongoing enterprise: we who 
live in a different culture bring new perspectives and new questions to bear 
on our understanding of the past and, therefore, on our understanding of 
who we are now and where we are going. 

Again, this is an invitation to a discernment, a complex process of 
"heart and soul and mind and strength." Of course, I don't hope to settle 
this question here, but rather to begin to ask it in a way that is faithful to 
the history of the Society and the founding vision of Ignatius, and also 
faithful to the development of that founding vision in our own time. This is 
a study that asks the Society to see in its history an opportunity to examine 
again a question dating back to the days of the first Jesuits. As I conclude 
this paper, I'll offer some modern-day considerations built on this history. I 
will ask what some of the questions are that need to be addressed if we are 
to raise this issue again today. 

Introduction 

There are few absolutes about the Society of Jesus. While it is pre- 
dominantly a priestly order, the Society has, since the time of 
Ignatius, included the permanently nonordained. Jesuit brothers 
were formally incorporated with the bull Exponi nobis of 1546, and remain 
an important minority within the Society. Pedro Arrupe wrote in 1978, "I 
regard as irreplaceable the contribution of the Jesuit Brother to the very life 
of the Society and to its apostolate." 2 Likewise, there is no denning ministry 
of Jesuits: the list of proper ministries set down in the Formula concludes 
with "any other works of charity, according to what will seem expedient for 
the glory of God and the common good." 3 Moreover, the Society of Jesus 



2 Pedro Arrupe, S.J., Challenge to Religious Life Today (St. Louis: Institute of 
Jesuit Sources, 1979), 292. 

3 "The Formula of the Institute of the Society of Jesus," in The Constitutions of 
the Society of Jesus, trans, with notes and commentary by George E. Ganss, S.J. (St. Louis: 
Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1970), no. 3 (p. 67). Hereafter this book will be cited as Ganss, 
Constitutions; citations from the text of the Constitutions themselves will be indicated by 
Cons. 



Juana, S.J.: Status of Women in the Society *b 3 



defies the neat categorization of religious orders into "active" versus "con- 
templative": even the motto "Contemplative in action" fails to capture 
adequately the unique synergy of those two modes of religious life that the 
Society has achieved. 

But it is exactly this diversity within the Jesuit charism that is 
central to the identity of the Society of Jesus. The fourth vow, calling upon 
Jesuits to obey the pope with respect to missions, even though it is specifi- 
cally made only by professed members, is one expression of the radical 
availability that informs the self-understanding of the Society as a whole. In 
the Constitutions it is clear that this radical willingness to be sent applies to 
all members: "When the sovereign pontiff or the superior sends such pro- 
fessed and coadjutors to labor in the vineyard of the Lord . . ." 4 To go 
wherever one is needed is described as "the first characteristic of our Insti- 
tute" (626), and a large part of the Constitutions is devoted to sorting out 
the exact meaning of this availability. This is one reason why, for example, 
Jesuits were not ordinarily to serve as pastors of parishes: "Such duties 
should not be undertaken in the houses or churches of the Professed Society, 
which as far as possible ought to be left free to accept the missions from the 
Apostolic See and other works for the service of God and the help of souls" 
(324). This was the central founding vision of Ignatius and the first members 
of the Society: 

Already by this time they had all determined what they would do, sc, go 
to Venice and to Jerusalem, and spend their lives for the good of souls; and 
if they were not given permission to remain in Jerusalem, then return to 
Rome and present themselves to the vicar of Christ, so that he could make 
use of them wherever he thought it would be more for the glory of God 
and the good of souls. 5 

Another consistent characteristic of the Society of Jesus is that, from 
its inception, it has been an order of men, with only four known exceptions. 
At Christmas of 1545, Isabel Roser and two companions solemnly pro- 
nounced vows of poverty and chastity, and a third vow of obedience to 
Ignatius, and thus can perhaps be considered Jesuits in the broadest sense, 
since "[t]he Society, when we speak in the most comprehensive sense of the 
term, includes all those who live under obedience to its superior general" 



4 Cons., 573. Numbers cited from the primary documents of the Society indicate 
the boldface marginal numbers or paragraph numbers in the source being cited. Unless 
otherwise noted, numbers enclosed in parentheses in the text have the same meaning. 

5 A Pilgrim's Testament: The Memoirs of St. Ignatius of Loyola As Transcribed by 
Luis Goncalves da Camara, S.J., trans. Parmananda R. Divarkar, S.J. (St. Louis: Institute of 
Jesuit Sources, 1995), no. 85. 



4 •!• Lisa Fullam 

(Cons., 511). This experiment lasted less than six months before Ignatius 
requested of Pope Paul III that these women be released from their vows. In 
May 1547 a formal petition was made to the Holy See, requesting that the 
Society be "exempt from the obligations" of undertaking the permanent care 
of women, including women who wished to join the Society. 6 Licet debitum, 
issued in October 1549, addressed a number of questions regarding the 
nature of the new Society, including a statement granting Ignatius's request: 
"None of them . . . may be obliged to undertake care of nuns or religious 
women of whatever kind. 7 

These three women occupied an uncertain middle ground in terms 
of their relationship to the Society. While their vow of obedience to Ignatius 
tied them more closely to the Society than, for example, is the case with 
members of Jesuit-affiliated confraternities, they do not seem to have been 
regarded by Ignatius or his confreres as Jesuits. At the same time, their brief 

relationship to the Society was cited as a 
previous case by the Jesuit leadership at 

At this time there was no * he time of , the secret ' b , ul clear and unam " 

./-• i i r bieuous, admission to the Society in 1554 

significant model for , & T , ' T r c . « i i . 

. . ,. . or Inlanta Juana or Spain, a noble lady 

women s active religious u • • , % , c 

d who was invited to take the vows or a 

scholastic in accordance with Part V of the 

Constitutions. She subsequently lived and 

died a Jesuit. Ignatius's failure, after 1549, 

to admit women other than Juana (a woman whose political influence made 

her a far-from-ordinary applicant), along with the statement that Juana's 

admission is a "special and sole privilege," is often cited as a clear indication 

of his wish that the Society be exclusively male. 

But the story is more complex than that. My purpose here is to 
demonstrate that Ignatius saw the role of women in sixteenth-century 
Europe as incompatible with, even contradictory to, the vocation of a 
member of the Society of Jesus; specifically, that he believed that women of 
this time were incapable of promising the kind of availability for mission 
that lies at the heart of the Jesuit calling. First, I shall look at the broader 
cultural and religious context of the time, and then I shall consider the 



[IJpsosque ad hujusmodi curam mulierum suscipiendam nullo modo teneri 
debere" (Monumenta Constitutionum prccvia [ConsPrcev] [Rome, 1934], 182; this is bk. 1 of 
Sancti Ignatii de Loyola Constitutiones Societatis Iesu, from Monumenta Ignatiana (MI), ser. 
3; and it is vol. 63 of the Monumenta historica Societatis Iesu (MHSI). 

"Qesuiti] curam Monialium seu religiosarum quarumlibet personarum recipere 
[non] teneantur" (ibid., 363). 



Juana, S.J.: Status of Women in the Society 



exceptions— and those who were not exceptions. What, exactly, transpired 
between Ignatius and the women admitted — and those who were not admit- 
ted—to the Society of Jesus? 



The Setting 

Essentially, three states of life were available to women in sixteenth- 
century Europe: marriage, religious life, and prostitution. 8 Those 
women who did work outside the home generally engaged in work 
related to traditional household tasks. Women who dealt in textiles, for 
example, tended to deal in small quantities or in embroidered goods, and 
u [w]ashing, laundering, scrubbing, in whatever context, was women's work" 
(4). The situation in Spain was somewhat better than in other parts of the 
continent: women engaged in trade in their own names, and inherited 
property on an equal basis with male heirs (89). 

Many of the convents of the time were not unlike modern-day 
sororities: essentially live-in clubs for upper-class women. Nuns often had 
personal servants, and the lifestyle they enjoyed cannot be described as in 
any way rigorous. 

The house was big and manorial, as was fitting for the resident noble- 
women. Each nun had an airy and sunny cell, some of which consisted of 
several rooms: a hall to receive visitors, a bedroom, an oratory, a kitchen, a 
washing and dressing room, and a room for her personal maid. Their 
fundamental and communal obligation was, at the sound of the bell at 
3 A.M., to convene for Matins and sing the psalms, responsories and hymns. 
Within this framework it was possible to lead a fully individual life on the 
side. Each of the nuns took care of her own sustenance and was free to 
attend to her own taste in comfort, food, and dress. (103) 

There was no significant model for women's active religious orders. 
Women religious of this time, even members of female branches of active 
male orders like the Dominicans, were cloistered, a situation that was to be 
set in canonical stone with the Tridentine decree in 1563 that all women 



S. Marshall, ed., Women in Reformation and Counter-Reformation Europe: 
Public and Private Worlds (Bloomington, Ind.: Indiana University Press, 1989), 170. 
Numbers cited from books that are not among the primary documents of the Society 
indicate the page being cited. Unless otherwise noted, numbers enclosed in parentheses in 
the text and referring to such sources have the same meaning. 



6 •!• Lisa Fullam 

living under a religious rule must be enclosed, "even summoning for this 
purpose, if need be, the aid of the secular arm." 9 

The issue here, at least in part, is one of definition. The Council of 
Trent was not so much addressing the question of the role of women in 
Christian apostolic work as it was reinforcing the cloister walls. Nuns, like 
monks, lived under the decree of Lateran I prohibiting cloistered religious 
from active ministry: 

[W]e order . . . that monks . . . may not celebrate Masses in public any- 
where. Moreover, let them completely abstain from public visitations of the 
sick, from anointings and even from hearing confessions, for these things in 
no way pertain to their calling. 10 

Trent conceived women's religious life solely in monastic terms: women 
religious were banned from active ministries, not because they were women, 
but because they were nuns; this was an ecclesial more than a social conser- 
vatism. The equation of women religious with nuns would be challenged by 
the rise of communities of women pursuing an active apostolate, but those 
groups would have to engage in a prolonged struggle before they achieved 
this recognition. 

Ministry as such was not the problem: ministerial opportunities for 
women, especially those wishing to work with children or other women, 
were readily available. Numerous confraternities dedicated to social service 
provided a context in which women could minister. Rather, the issue was 
the juxtaposition of the somewhat daring, even scandalous, activities of 
women doing charitable work with the decorum expected of women with 
vows acknowledged by the Church. But women interested in combining 
religious dedication with active ministry found in the confraternities an 
opportunity to get their foot in the door that Trent had tried to slam shut. 

Confraternities were religious associations, defined by certain rules 
and engaged in particular types of charitable works. Some were dedicated to 
burying the executed, providing for orphans or caring for the poor, others to 
pious practices such as adoration of the Eucharist or various Marian devo- 
tions, and others to severe penitential practices (for example, confraternities 
of disciplinatiy or flagellants, often organized under Franciscan auspices). 



9 The Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent, trans., H. J. Schroeder, O.P. 
(Rockford, 111.: Tan Books, 1978), 220. 

10 "[S]ancimus, ut monachi . . . [p]ublicas missarum sollemnitates nusquam 
celebrant. A publicis etiam infirmorum visitationibus, inunctionibus seu etiam pcenitentiis, 
quod ad illorum nullatenus officium pertinet, sese omnino abstineant" {Decrees of the 
Ecumnenical Councils, ed. N. P. Tanner, S.J. [Washington, D.C.: Sheet & Ward and 
Georgetown University Press, 1990], 193). 



Juana, S.J.: Status of Women in the Society <k 7 



"Intramural" benefits included mutual support, both spiritual and material, 
extended to the members. Confraternities have been compared to an infor- 
mal welfare system. 11 Most commonly, confraternities were groups of 
laymen under lay leadership, but sometimes the groups included (or were 
limited to) clergy or women, and occasionally children as well. By the latter 
part of the sixteenth century, according to Black, most towns of any size in 
Italy had at least one confraternity, some had dozens, and others many more 
(50). While most confraternities were founded and administered by lay- 
people, the Franciscans, Dominicans, and Jesuits were especially active in 
founding confraternities, typically with a member of the order serving as 
chaplain or spiritual director of the group. 

The Society of Jesus itself began as a compania, a confraternity (a 
term translated as "societas" in Latin). But by the time of the vows of the 
companions (1541), it was clear that this "least company" possessed the 
character of a religious order. As a matter of fact, in 1584 Pope Gregory XIII 
decreed that anyone who asserted that Jesuits with simple vows weren't 
religious incurred automatic excommunication. 12 Despite the Society's 
evolution from confraternity to order, the model of the compania remained 
central in the Society's self-image. Ignatius insisted on confraternal termi- 
nology for his order after his vision at La Storta 13 in which Ignatius "saw so 
clearly that God the Father had placed him with His Son Christ that his 
mind could not doubt that God the Father had indeed placed him with his 
Son." 14 So the continued usage of the term "compania" represents the 
members' understanding of their relationship to Christ, not their canonical 
legal status in the Church. The close association of the Society of Jesus with 
many different confraternities as founder or reforming influence does not 
establish the Society as a confraternity itself: it is a religious order, one of 
the characteristic ministries of which was the founding and fostering of 
confraternities. 15 

By and large, the confraternities, whether they were under the 
direction of the laity, the clergy, or a religious order, existed alongside — and 
occasionally in tension with— the diocesan and parochial structures of 



11 C. F. Black, Italian Confraternities in the Sixteenth Century (Cambridge: 
Cambridge Univ. Press, 1989), 10. 

12 Ganss, Constitutions, p. 65 n. 6. 

13 Ibid., p. 76 n.3. 

4 Pilgrims Testament, no. 96. 

15 John W. O'Malley, S.J., The First Jesuits (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. 
Press, 1993), 192f. 



8 * Lisa Fullam 

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authority. It is not surprising, then, that the fathers of the Council of Trent 
sought to assert greater episcopal control over the confraternities. 

The bishops . . . shall have the right to visit hospitals and all colleges and 
confraternities of laymen . . . even though the care of the aforesaid institu- 
tions be in the hands of laymen[;] . . . they shall, moreover, take cognizance 
of and execute in accordance with the ordinances of the sacred canons all 
things that have been instituted for the worship of God or for the salvation 
of souls or for the support of the poor; any custom, even though immemo- 
rial, privilege or statute whatsoever to the contrary notwithstanding. 16 

Parish priests were encouraged by their bishops to found new confraternities 
rooted in the local church; 17 bishops began to visit confraternities as part of 
their episcopal "rounds" and to assess the groups' constitutions. The effect of 
increased episcopal vigilance in the wake of the council was a decrease in lay 
leadership and a tendency to assimilate confraternities into the parish 
structure of the diocese. 

This development was especially threatening to women's confrater- 
nities. The history of men's active religious orders provided a possible 
middle ground for men's confraternities: one can participate in the common 
works of mercy typical of male active religious without professing poverty, 
chastity, and obedience or living in community. But equating women's 
religious life (in the Church) with the cloister left women's confraternities in 
an unstable position: an organized group of women connected to the 
Church must be "religious," which implied enclosure, and thus the end (or 
radical circumscription) of the very activities that initially defined them as a 
group. The institutional response to these groups was clear: the papal 
constitution Circa pastoralis of 1566 ordered all women religious to "take 
solemn vows and submit to enclosure, 18 and Lubricum vitce genus of 1568 
ordered all tertiaries to pronounce solemn vows and accept monastic disci- 
pline. 19 For women's groups, then, one would expect to see a gravitation 
toward enclosure as a group's identity as "religious" became more explicit. 

Angela Merici's Ursulines provide an example of this transformation 
from confraternity to cloistered order. As Rapley outlines their history, in 
1530, Merici founded a confraternity dedicated to St. Ursula. At first, she 
envisioned a truly active group, modeled on the tertiaries of the mendicant 



16 Decrees of Trent, session 22, chap. 8. 

17 Black, Italian Confraternities, 25. 

18 E. Rapley, The Devotes: Women and Church in Seventeenth-Century France 
(Montreal: McGill-Queen's Univ. Press, 1990), 56. 

19 Rapley, Devotes, 26. 



Juana, S.J.: Status of Women in the Society *h 9 



orders. (She herself was a Franciscan tertiary until 1535.) The members of 
her confraternity, which had no ties to any established order, took only a 
private vow of chastity. They lived in their own homes rather than in 
common, and pursued a whole range of charitable activities, including 
teaching. Their constitutions, approved in 1544, show an institutional 
structure similar in some respects to that of the Society of Jesus, in which all 
members were ultimately responsible to one superior general (503). Charles 
Borromeo, archbishop of Milan and an important figure in the post-Triden- 
tine diocesan consolidation of religious authority, argued that these women 
were to be answerable to their local bishops. This move served to shatter the 
global unity of the Ursulines. From 1577 each community of Ursulines was 
essentially isolated in its diocese. 

Borromeo also established community life for those who were 
interested, a departure from the group's tradition of the members living in 
their own homes. "These congregees lived in community and considered 
themselves to be religious; they enjoyed some religious privileges and they 
were subject to some religious discipline, including the wearing of a distinc- 
tive habit (50). Evolution toward cloister came from within the Ursuline 
houses as well as from outside. The Faubourg St.-Jacques community of 
Ursulines in Paris suffered a veritable schism on the question of enclosure, 
with the anti-enclosure party eventually losing out to the combined forces of 
Church leadership and the pro-enclosure Ursulines and their families, many 
of whom were concerned for their daughters' safety and reputations in a 
nonenclosed group. Other families were influenced by financial concerns 
regarding inheritance laws and dowries for women who might return to lay 
life. Throughout the first half of the seventeenth century, increasing num- 
bers of Ursuline houses submitted to monastic enclosure under the rule of 
St. Augustine (57). 

The Ursulines were a group founded for numerous charitable 

works, including teaching. The imposition of cloister narrowed the range of 

their possible ministries. Their work as 

schoolteachers "was itself a tremendous 

A . .% A . . i novelty. ... It was certainly considered 

At the time an organized J , „ ,,. / , , , 

t 7c 1- inappropriate tor nuns (6). It would be a 

group of women reli- rr . f . a. i ~ 

• M • 7- great injustice to see these women as plac- 

gtous implied enclosure. idly retreating ; nto a trad itional role- 

indeed, they helped to create the role of 

women religious as schoolteachers. Two 

points about their early history are pertinent to this discussion: first, as 

cloistered religious, they no longer enjoyed the freedom of activity assured 

to members of a confraternity. No such restriction necessarily applied to 



10 + Lisa Fullam 
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men's groups, except, of course, to monks. Second, while their work in the 
education of girls was understood by some Jesuits as complementary to their 
Society's work teaching boys, a crucial difference exists. For Jesuits, educa- 
tion was a typical but not a defining ministry. The Ursulines, conversely, 
were defined, not by their availability, now starkly limited by cloister, but 
by a particular task. The Jesuit fourth vow is a vow of radical availability for 
any mission; the Paris Ursulines took a fourth vow of free instruction of 
children (59). The Ursulines, then, began with a vision of a Christian 
apostolate not unlike the founding vision of the Society of Jesus, but within 
a century they found themselves doubly fenced in: physically by the restric- 
tions of cloistered life, and metaphysically by the redefinition of their 
charism in terms of a particular ministry. 

So while confraternities offered women an opportunity for greater 
participation in active ministries, the Tridentine move to establish the 
diocese as the normative institutional context for religious activity forced 
women back into the dichotomy of u aut maritus, aut murus" (either a 
husband or the cloister). An extramural apostolate for groups of women 
religious was an idea that would not yet fly in the Church. 

From early in his career, Ignatius was active in the reform of 
women's religious communities. Moreover, his own ministry made extensive 
use of the talents of women as benefactors and fund-raisers, but also as 
companions in ministry. 20 For example, women were active in rounding up 
clients for the St. Martha's houses, which began as a kind of way station for 
prostitutes seeking to escape that way of life. But these houses also followed 
the trajectory of women's religious life in this century: originally halfway 
houses either to religious life or to marriage, eventually these too had a 
tendency to turn into conventual living arrangements for their inhabitants: 
"By 1573, Santa Marta [in Rome] had become a full-fledged monastery 
reserved for virgins" (184). 

The history of Mary Ward's Institute of the Blessed Virgin Mary in 
the early seventeenth century provides another example of the resistance to 
women's pursuing an active apostolate. In this case, as with the Ursulines 
before them, the issue is the combination of religious identity with chari- 
table work: they were accused of pretending to be "true nuns." 

In 1606, when she was twenty-one, Ward left England for St. Omer, 
where a [b]efore I could take time to put off my riding habit, I went to a 



20 



O'Malley, First Jesuits, 75. 



Juanciy S.J.: Status of Women in the Society 4* 11 



college of the fathers of the Society of Jesus." 21 Encouraged by her Jesuit 
confessor, she entered a convent of the Poor Clares for a short time. Though 
it became clear to her that this was not to be a permanent home for her, she 
did leave the convent resolved to establish a monastery for English Poor 
Clares, which she founded at Gravelines in Flanders. Here she met Roger 
Lee, a Jesuit who became her confessor and trusted adviser. 

In 1611, while recovering from a severe illness, she experienced in 
prayer a new direction for her work. 

Being alone in some extraordinary repose of mind, I heard distinctly, not 
by sound of voice, but intellectually understood, these words: "Take the 
same of the Society"— so understood as that we were to take the same both 
in matter and manner, that only excepted which God, by diversity of sex, 
hath prohibited. (29) 

Ward's first plan for her institute shows monastic as well as Ignatian 
influences, and expressly indicates the group's affinity for the Society of 
Jesus. Her intention of a broadly construed apostolate was first realized in 
1614, when her group opened a house in London from which members, 
dressed as noblewomen, pursued various ministries, such as caring for the 
sick and the poor and teaching in private homes. 22 In 1616, Lee helped 
Ward draft the Ratio Instituti, which is at once more clearly Jesuit-inspired 
than the first plan, and at the same time excludes any direct mention of the 
Society. 23 Ward's aim was to establish a group parallel to the Society of Jesus 
in organizational structure, range of ministries, and commitment to mobility. 
Her order, for instance, was to be governed by a mother general who was 
directly subject to the pope. And while the apostolate of the group was to 
feature education, it was not defined that way. 

[W]e desire ... to devote ourselves with all diligence and prudent zeal to 
promote or procure the salvation of our neighbor, by means of the educa- 
tion of girls or by any other means that are congruous to the times, or in 
which it is judged that we can by our labors promote the greater glory of 
God and, in any place, further the propagation of our Holy Mother, the 
Catholic Church. (44) 

Lee's sympathy for Ward's project was not shared by the Jesuit 
leadership. Both Aquaviva (the Jesuit superior general from 1581 to 1615) 



21 M. Emmanuel Orchard, I.B.V.M., Till God Will: Mary Ward through Her 
Writings (London: Darton, Longman and Todd, 1985), 18. 

22 Rapley, Devotes, 29. 

23 Orchard, Mary Ward, 43. 



12 4* Lisa Fullam 

and Vitelleschi (general from 1615 to 1645) discouraged their men from 
association with Ward's "Jesuitesses." 

Let all endeavour not to meddle in their businesses and make the world 
know that the Society hath no more to do with them than with all other 
penitents who resort to them; whereby I hope, in a short time, the mani- 
fold calumniations which for their cause and proceedings are laid upon us 
will have an end. 24 

A prominent source of these "ca- 
__________ __ lumniations" was the English diocesan cler- 
gy, who were engaged in a turf-battle with 
For Ignatius to have es- the Jesuits for control of the Church in 

tablisbed the Society of England. Set in this poisoned context, the 

Jesus as a "coed" institu- charges against Ward's people were mani- 

tion from the beginning fold* ran g m g fr° m rumors about Ward's 

would have required a relationship with Lee to charges that the 

social revolution exceed- women traveled freely, bragged of their 

ing the vision of that freedom from enclosure, squandered their 

dowries, and asserted that "[t]hey have set 

the conversion of England as their goal 

_______ _______ .-^..^ _ an d work for it like priests." 25 The scope 

of their apostolate led to pejorative nick- 
names like "Galloping nuns," "Galloping girls," and "Wandering gossips" 
(50). 

Ward petitioned Pope Gregory XV for recognition of her group, 
expressly comparing it to the Society; the English seminary clergy promptly 
attacked, stating that "it was never heard of in the Church that women 
should discharge the apostolic office" (69), that their institute contravened 
Trent, that the members "arrogate to themselves the power to speak of 
spiritual things before grave men and priests, and to hold exhortations in 
assemblies of Catholics and usurp ecclesiastical office" (69). 

The destruction of Ward's institute was gradual. On the basis of the 
testimony of the secular clergy, a commission of cardinals sharply curtailed 
their activity, but allowed them to run a charity school in Rome. The 
success of this school led to the founding of several other schools in Italy, 
but in 1625 all of these were ordered closed. Ward left Rome for Bavaria, 
where her institute again began to attract members: "In 1628, the Institute 
numbered ten houses, and between 200 and 300 members. It was at this 



( Rapley, Devotes, 30, citing R. Blount, S.J., writing at Vitelleschi's 
1 Orchard, Mary Ward, 50. 



]uana y S.J.: Status of Women in the Society •$• 13 



stage that the Congregation of Propaganda secretary ordered it suppressed." 26 
Unaware that suppression was pending, Ward petitioned Urban VTTT and the 
(now reconstituted) committee of cardinals on behalf of her institute in 1629, 
then returned to Munich pending their decision. Urban signed the bull of 
suppression on January 13, 1631, and on February 7 Ward was arrested and 
imprisoned for nine weeks in a convent of the Poor Clares as a "heretic, 
schismatic and rebel to Holy Church." 27 The bull of suppression states that 

[t]hey went freely everywhere, without submitting to the laws of clausura, 
under the pretext of working for the salvation of souls; they undertook and 
exercised many other works unsuitable to their sex and their capacity, their 
feminine modesty, and, above all, their virginal shame; works which men 
. . . undertake only with reluctance and extreme circumspection. 28 

The suppression of the Institute of the Blessed Virgin Mary led to a wave of 
suppressions of active women's communities across Europe "on the vague 
grounds that they, too, were 'J esiutesses ' " (333). In 1633 the Holy Office 
issued a statement rehabilitating Ward and her companions from the charge 
of heresy (one of the women, Winifred Wigmore, had been imprisoned for 
more than a year by this time), but the institute and any group resembling it 
remained strictly suppressed. 

In sum, powerful pressure was exerted upon women involved in 
religious communities at this time to pursue a monastic way of life. For 
Ignatius to have established the Society of Jesus as a "coed" institution from 
the beginning would have required a social revolution that exceeded the 
vision of most men and women of that time. While some groups of women 
were trying to combat the identification of women's religious life with 
monastic enclosure, this was a battle that the nascent Society of Jesus was 
unwilling (or perhaps not yet able) to join. The fate of these early communi- 
ties of active women religious— suppression or cloister— combined with a 
narrowing of their vision of their apostolate to a particular ministry rather 
than a thoroughgoing availability implies that even the most progressive of 
these communities could not fully embrace Ignatius's ideal. Furthermore, as 
I'll show later, most of the individual women seeking to join Ignatius's 
company seemed to have in mind that same monastic paradigm, a paradigm 
which, while it certainly has borne much fruit for the Christian community 
over the centuries, is fundamentally incompatible with Ignatius's vision. If 
Ignatius had incorporated monastic communities (with members of either 



Rapley, Devotes, 32. 

27 Orchard, Miry Ward, 112. 

28 Rapley, Devotes, 32. 



14 * Lisa Fullam 

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sex) in the early Society, he would have run the risk that his idea for the 
Jesuits would be confused or combined with the powerful tradition of 
Western monasticism, a confusion that would likely have resulted in a very 
different Society of Jesus. 

In this respect, the Society differs markedly from the two dominant 
active religious orders of this time. The Franciscans and the Dominicans 
could (and did) incorporate cloistered groups without contradicting the basic 
spirit of those orders. The absence of a second order of cloistered women 
attached to Ignatius's group is not simply due to the historical absence of a 
person like Clare to raise the issue. Ignatius's emphasis on mobility as a key 
attribute of his Society precludes cloistered groups— therefore all religious 
women at this time— from the outset. 29 



The Players 

Nevertheless, there were women Jesuits: four, all told. The stories of 
Isabel Roser and her two companions, and of Juana, regent of 
Spain, are illustrative of the difficulties facing women pursuing a 
Jesuit vocation in the sixteenth century. Significant also are the requests 
Ignatius rejected from women seeking, in one way or another, to enter the 
Society. What is most striking is the consistency of Ignatius's responses: 
repeatedly he underscores the absolute centrality of mobility, the availability 
for mission characteristic of the members of the Society. To Matteo Murra- 
no, who argued for the inevitability of a women's branch of the Society of 
Jesus, he wrote, "We must always stand with one foot raised, so to speak, 
that we may be able to run freely from one place to another, according to 
our vocation." 30 Similarly, in the Constitutions we read: 

[BJecause the members of this Society ought to be ready at any hour to go 
to some or other parts of the world where they may be sent by the sover- 



Of course, this applies to men as well, although the special relationship of the 
Society of Jesus to the Carthusians provides an out for Jesuits seeking the cloister. While 
the Constitutions (99) forbid vowed Jesuits to transfer to other religious orders, Jesuits 
drawn to a more contemplative way of life may transfer to that group. This special 
relationship with the Carthusians dates to the bull Licet debitum of 1549. Jesuits seeking 
the cloister may transfer, but then they are no longer Jesuits but Carthusians (see Thomas 
Clancy, S.J., Introduction to Jesuit Life [St. Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1976], 11). 

30 [SJienpre deue ester quasi con el vn pie alcado para discurrir de vnas partes a 
otras, conforme a la vocation nuestra" (Sancti Ignatii de Loyola epistolce et instructions, 12 
vols. [Rome, 1964-68], 2:346f.; this is from ser. 1 of MI, and is vol. 26 of MHSI). Ignatius 
writes here in reference to the nuns of the Santa Clara Convent in Barcelona. 



]uana y S.J.: Status of Women in the Society 4- 15 



eign pontiff or their own superiors, they ought not ... to take charge of 
religious women or any other women whatever. (588; emphasis added) 

"Taking charge of women," in this context, does not necessarily mean 
admitting them to the Society; if it did, the clause would refer only to 
religious women, since all members of the Society are vowed religious. But if 
Ignatius perceived even this "once-removed" connection of women to the 
Society as a threat to the members' freedom, clearly he would regard direct 
participation of women in its work as even more paralyzing — women Jesuits 
would be immobilized not just by responsibility for others but by their own 
social location. Mobility is Ignatius's recurrent theme in answering questions 
about the relationship of women to the Society, and mobility is a central 
difficulty for those women who nevertheless sought to ally themselves with 
Ignatius's order. 

Isabel Roser 

Isabel Roser was a noblewoman, a longtime benefactor and friend of 
Ignatius the pilgrim as well as of his young Society. She was active as well in 
eliciting support from the wealthy in Barcelona, especially wealthy women. 
Ignatius's correspondence with her is both gracious and grateful: 

I have no other refuge but, when the merits I obtain before God's Divine 
Majesty are counted, ... to ask the Lord himself to distribute them among 
the persons to whom I am indebted, to each one in accordance with the 
service he has rendered me, and chiefly to you— for to you I owe more than 
to anyone I know in this life. 31 

Roser's husband died in 1541, and in 1542 Roser told Ignatius of her wish to 
live and work in Rome under his obedience. Ignatius responded to her that 
some discernment was in order: Was this a good or an evil spirit at work? 
Roser's response, curiously, addressed this question without answering it. 
She indicated only her eagerness to join Ignatius. 

As to what you wrote to me, that I myself can know whether I am moved 
by a good spirit or a bad one, and that the good always brings strength and 
quietness, peace and hope, whereas the bad brings fear, restlessness, strife, 
little faith, and much dread, as I have already written to you, it seems to 
me, and I have the same feeling today, that I desire to forget altogether all 



"[N]o tengo otro refugio sino que, contados los meritos que yo alcan£are 
dalante de la diuina magestad, . . . que el mismo Senor los reparta a las personas a quienes 
yo soy en cargo, a cada vno segun que su seruicio a mi me ha ayudado, maxime a vos, que 
os deuo mas que a quantas personas en esta vida conosco (Epistolce et instructiones, 1:85; 
this is vol. 22 of MHSI). 



16 * Lisa Fullam 

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my possessions, and I have no feeling of attachment to these things. All that 
is a great grief to me is that I must be kept here so long with breaking up 
my home. 32 

In 1543 she set out for Rome, accompanied by her servant Francisca de 
Cruyllas and Roser's friend Isabel de Josas. 

What kind of life did Roser expect to live with the Jesuits in Rome? 
Her letter to Ignatius of November 6, 1542, in which she expresses a wish to 
see him again before her death, indicates that she was no longer a young 
woman. Her departure for Rome had been complicated by her anxiety at the 
prospect of traveling without male companions. On October 1, 1542, she 
wrote: a I therefore ask and indeed implore you ... to write to me most 
clearly as to . . . what male escort I should take so that I may travel with 
the greater peace, quiet and security of my conscience." 33 

She arrived in Rome with two servants, followed by "a whole 
shipload of chests and boxes, in charge of one of her servants, 34 and settled at 
first into a private house with a lay brother, Esteban de Eguia, as servant. 
(Eguia, a widower who had entered the Society with his brother Diego, had 
opted to forgo ordination; the grades of temporal and spiritual coadjutors 
were not formally instituted until June of 1546. 35 Ignatius put Roser to work 
in the establishment and early management of the first house of Saint 
Martha. Roser and her servant Cruyllas were joined by Lucrezia di Bradine, 
a Roman noblewoman. De Josas dropped out of the picture soon after their 
arrival in Rome. But Roser's new life, while apparently motivated by a 
sincere desire to be of service and to participate in the work of the Society 
of Jesus, was a life of unreconstructed female monasticism: she maintained 
substantial personal property, had servants, and practiced a more or less fixed 
ministry in this "Convent of St. Martha" (as she described the house in a 



32 "Quanto a lo que dize, que yo mesma puedo conocer si es spiritu bueno ho 
malo, y que el bueno siempre trae fortalesa y quietut, pas y speransa; y lo malo, temor, 
ynquietut, rinya y poca fe y muxta temor, ya us tengo scrito que me parece, y axi lo 
siento, y es todo lo de aca tenirlo muy holuidado, y sin sentir ninguna aficcion, y teniendo 
vna gran pesadumbre en aver entender en la despedicion de todas las cosas de aca" 
(Epistolce mixUe ex variis Europe locis, 1537-56, 5 vols. [Madrid, 1898-1901], 1:111; this is 
vol. 12 of MHSI). 

33 "Asi que, . . . porque mas descansada y quieta, y seguridad de mi conciencia, 
yo me pueda yr, hos soplico que mas claramente me ableys . . . que companya de hombre 
tengo de labar" (ibid., 11 If.). 

34 Rahner, Letters to Women, 282. 

35 Ganss, Constitutions, p. 50. 



Juana, S.J.: Status of Women in the Society 4* 17 



letter to Margaret of Austria, duchess of Camerino). 36 Roser's petition to 
Paul HI, in which she asked to be "admitted to the least Society of Jesus" 37 — 
and that Ignatius be compelled to receive her— bears this out. She wrote of 
her devotion to Ignatius and requested that she make solemn vows. She had 
already, she wrote, vowed to observe poverty and chastity and to place 
herself under Ignatius's obedience. There's a vow missing. Roser was not, 
and as a person of her age and class in this society, perhaps could not have 
been "able to run freely from one place to another." 

Nevertheless, her request was granted: on Christmas 1545 Isabel 
Roser, along with Lucrezia di Bradine and Francisca Cruyllas, pronounced 
these vows: 

I, Isabel Roser, widow, the undersigned, promise and solemnly vow before 
God our Almighty Lord, in the presence of the Holy Virgin Mary my 
mistress, St. Jerome, and the heavenly court of Paradise and before all who 
are present— and before you, most reverend Father Ignatius, general of the 
Society of Jesus, our lord, as the representative of God: perpetual poverty 
according to the limits which are laid upon me by Your Reverence, chas- 
tity, and obedience to the rule of life laid before me by Your Reverence. 38 

As people who have vowed obedience to the superior general of the Society 
of Jesus, they were, in a sense, Jesuits (Cons., 511). In fact, they were the 
core of an essentially monastic second order under obedience to the Society. 
This disjunction was problematic on two accounts: not only were they kept, 
by personal and societal circumstances, from exercising fully the charism of 
the Society, but as a fixed community they were an immobilizing force 
within the Society, as exemplified by the unfortunate Esteban de Eguia. 

It is not at all clear that Ignatius and the other companions viewed 
these women as fellow Jesuits. Nadal, for example, was shocked that the 
women were being fed from the Jesuits' kitchen 39 and complained, "When 
Ignatius at the command of Pope Paul III had taken three women under his 
obedience, they kept all of us who were in Rome at the time continuously 



Rahner, Letters to Women, 284. 

"Sopliquo homilmente a [vuestra] santidad me quera aser de la misma 
congregasion de Jesus ... y me conseda los meritos y grasias que por [vuestra] santidad los 
es otorgado" (Scripta de Santo Ignatio de Loyola, 2 vols. [Madrid, 1904-18], 2:12); this is 
from MI, ser. 4, and is vol. 21 of MHSI). 

38 Rahner cites the Society's archives in Rome: Cod. Ital. 59, f. 11. For 
Cruyllas's and Bradine's vows, see f. 11a, 12. 

"Offendit me in culina, quod ex nostra paupertate ferebatur prandium et coena 
ad Rosseram" (Epistolce P. Hieronymi Nodal, 4 vols. [Madrid, 1998-1905], 1:22; this is vol. 
13 of MHSI). One wonders if Fr. Nadal was familiar with Matt. 15:27. 



18 * Lisa Fullam 

busy." 40 Ignatius also spoke of Roser's group as "ladies with vows of obedi- 
ence," 41 not as fellow Jesuits. On the other hand, Roser's petition to Paul III 
had been exactly to join the Society and be made "a participant in the merits 
and graces which Your Holiness has granted to the Society." 42 Moreover, 
when the appeal of Infanta Juana of Spain to enter the Society was consid- 
ered, Roser's group was seen as a previous case in which women had been 
admitted into the Society. 43 

It was quickly clear that this experiment was a failure. In April 1546 
Ignatius asked Paul III for permission to release the women from obedience 
to him. A formal petition was to follow in May of the next year. The source 
of the difficulty seems to be personal more than institutional: the same 
organizational energy, effusive enthusiasm, and profound devotion to 
Ignatius that made Roser such an efficient fund-raiser and all-around advocate 
for the Society among the Barcelona upper class became a problem when 
exercised at close range. For example, in his autobiography Benedetto Palmio 
describes Roser's discomfiting "nursing" of the sick Ignatius. 44 At one point, 
Roser created a disturbance when she invited two of her nephews to come 
to Rome so that she could arrange a marriage for one of them (287). 

Now Ignatius was in an awkward situation. He had been specifically 
instructed by the Pope to accept Roser's vows. The other two women were 
so closely associated with Roser— in their common work, in their simulta- 
neous incorporation into the Society, and in being the only women in the 
Society at that time— that their relationship to the Society was inextricable 
from hers. If Ignatius's goal was Roser's dismissal, he could have achieved 
this by declaring the Society to be an essentially clerical group, or an 
exclusively male group, and thereby he would be rid of Roser by definition. 
Ignatius's petition is cast in the language of freedom from obligation of care 
of women generally. But again, Ignatius provides a reason for the exclusion 
of women, and that reason is mobility. Jesuits perform their ministries 
"always free and without encumbrance, 'shod with the preparation of the 
Gospel of peace' [Eph. 6:15], whenever Your Holiness sends them forth 
under obedience to any part of the world." Spiritual direction of "nuns and 
ladies" is "liable easily to become a hindrance" to their work. Therefore, 
Ignatius makes this request: 



40 Rahner, Letters to Women, 287. 

41 "[D]uenas con votos de obediencia" {Epistolce et instructiones, 1:424). 
4 See n. 37 above (p. 17). 

4 See p. 23 below. 

44 Rahner, Letters to Women, 287. 



Juana, S.J.: Status of Women in the Society 4» 19 



[I]n order to be able to live unhampered in accordance with the spirit of 
their vocation and the constitutions of their lawfully approved Society, 
these petitioners ask that permission may be granted that they shall no 
longer be obliged to undertake the spiritual direction of [various categories 
of women] who wish to serve God holily by placing themselves regularly 
under their direction and following the way of life of the Society. 45 

Paul's response to Ignatius's 1546 request to release the women was 
in the affirmative. A sad struggle ensued in which Roser, attempting to 
maintain her connection to the Jesuits, resorted to financial pressure. She 
presented Ignatius with a detailed list of her gifts to the Society, demanding 
repayment, along with a promise of an additional gift to the House of St. 
Martha should she be allowed to remain. Ignatius responded with a bill of 
charges due to the Society, depicting Roser as indebted to the Jesuits by 
some 150 ducats. 46 Finally, on October 1, 1546, Ignatius issued a letter of 
dismissal to Roser. Nadal had to read it to her four times. 47 The financial 
matter was settled in court, where one of Roser's nephews, Dr. Francisco 
Ferrer, testified that Ignatius had been plotting the theft of his aunt's fortune 
all along. 48 Judgment was in Ignatius's favor, and Roser signed an affidavit to 
the effect that any gifts she had given to the Society had been freely given. 
With the Pope's favorable response to Ignatius's petition and the rejection of 
Roser's court case, this experiment of a community of women bound to the 
Society of Jesus came to an end. 

Prior to her return to Barcelona, Roser and Ignatius were recon- 
ciled, and their subsequent correspondence remained gracious. Roser later 
entered a Franciscan convent, where she died late in 1554. Lucrezia di 
Bradine eventually entered a convent in Naples, and Francisca Cruyllas spent 
the rest of her life working in the Hospital of the Cross in Barcelona (289). 



45 ". . . semper calceati et expediti in preparationem euangelii pacis juxta 
prescriptum et obedientam S.V., quouis terrarum illos miserit. . . . 

"Et ut liberius secundum vocationis sue propositum et institutionis Societatis 
huiusmodi institutum deinceps procedere possint, quod ex nunc de cetero oratores prefati 
monasteria seu domos monialium vel sororum aut aliquas alias mulieres sub eorum 
obedientia in communi vel alias virtutum Domino famulari intendentes, sub eorum cura et 
institutis regularibus suscipere minime teneantur" (ConsPrtev 1 : 1 8 3 f . ; emphasis in original). 

46 Candido de Dalmases, S.J., Ignatius Loyola, Founder of the Jesuits: His Life and 
Work (St. Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1985), 254. 

47 Rahner, Letters to Women, 289. 

48 Ibid., 290. Two of Roser's nephews had arrived in Rome at the beginning of 
this whole unfortunate episode. They were apparently instrumental in Roser's use of 
financial leverage in this matter: it is not unreasonable to wonder if their concern for their 
aunt's financial interests may have been related to their position as heirs. 



20 * Lisa Fullam 

Roser and company weren't the only women seeking some connec- 
tion to the Society of Jesus. A number of other women, individually and in 
groups, petitioned Ignatius for various kinds of association with his Society 
or individual Jesuits. Sometimes, for example, in the case of Sebastiana 
Exarch, a married woman who sought permission to take a vow of obedi- 
ence to her Jesuit spiritual director, Ignatius simply refused. Exarch's request, 
of course, is exactly the kind of encumbrance Ignatius's petition was in- 
tended to avoid — her request is not for membership, but for a special connec- 
tion to a particular Jesuit. In other cases Ignatius gave additional reasons for 
denying the request. In a letter sent to Spain with Miguel Torres, Ignatius 
wrote: 

As regards the question of the foundation of a convent of female religious 
in Gandia belonging to and subject to the Society of Jesus, we cannot 
persuade ourselves that this is advisable. For our Society is still in its first 
beginnings; it suffers much opposition and lacks members. First of all, it 
must itself grow in our Lord. Secondly, also because the Society has made a 
special vow to be always mobile, according to the will of the pope, so as to 
be able to go from one part of the world to another. 49 

In the same document, Ignatius underscores the second point: "As 
far as we can judge in our Lord, what really matters is to keep the Society 
free to move unhampered in order to meet essential demands." 50 Ignatius 
goes on to note the difficulties created among Franciscans and Dominicans 
by the "complaints of the convents of nuns." 51 Evidently, Ignatius was 
considering a situation in which women Jesuits would form a second order, 
a cloistered or at least stable community. But also in the same letter, he 
brings up the possibility of a company of women: "We are persuaded that it 
would be a good and holy step to establish a compania of women." 52 Ignatius 



49 "Cerca hazer algun monasterio de monjas en Gandia, dedicadas y subjectas a la 
Compania de Jesu, por agora en ser principio desta minima religion, y con tantas 
contradictiones, y con tanta penuria de companeros que ay en ella, hasta que cresca ella in 
Domino no nos podemos persuadir que sea conueniente. . . . 

". . . porque esta Compania tiene el voto expreso de ser in motu a la voluntad 
del summo pontifice, para discurrir de vna parte en otra del mundo" (Litterte et 
instructiones, 1:421). 

... quanto aca nos puede parecer en el Senor nuestro es, de hazer a la 
Compania libre para poder discurir por las mayo res necesidades" (ibid.). 

51 "[D]e las querelas de los monasteries de monjas" (ibid.). This was written just 
as the situation with Roser was reaching its nadir: Ignatius also relates his eagerness to be 
rid of these women. 

52 a [N]os persuadimos que sera vn bueno y santo medio de hazer una compania 
de senoras" (ibid., 42 If.). 



Juana, S.J.: Status of Women in the Society •$• 21 



may be recognizing the need for the establishment of another confraternity 
under the auspices of his Society, as, for example, the Jesuits fostered both 
male and female groups in Naples, Messina, and in its work in Japan. 53 This 
interpretation is in keeping with his use of the term "senoras" rather than a 
term indicating religious profession. But even if this refers to just another 
"business as usual" compania, this is an instructive statement on Ignatius's 
part, as he simultaneously rejects a "convent" of women and supports "una 
compania" of women. The distinction isn't sex, it's cloister. 

If Ignatius's vision of women's religious life seems to be limited to 
the cloister, so, by and large, was that of those women who petitioned to 
join the Society. It seems that 

most of the requests Ignatius ^^^___^^^^^^^^^^^^«^^_^ 
fielded from women were re- 
quests to establish convents The Society has made a special vow 
under obedience to the gen- to be always mobile, according to the 
eral or other Jesuits— a state of will of the pope, SO as to be able to go 
life fundamentally not in from one part of the world 
keeping with the charism of to another. 
the Society. Jacoba Pallavici- 

na, who signed herself "Jacoba ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^~ 
of the Society of Jesus" in her 

letters to Ignatius, made this offer: "I could make an initial payment of six 
hundred scudi for the establishment of a convent of nuns, governed by your 
Society, and placed under your rule and obedience." 54 

Jeromina Pezzani and others requested permission to establish a 
convent of women dedicated to working with Ignatius, and before they 
heard back from him, sent along a document vowing obedience to him. 55 
Again, any hint of the fourth vow is missing— the women, inspired by the 
success of St. Martha's House in Rome, vowed poverty, chastity, and 
obedience to Ignatius. While Ignatius refused their obedience, their work in 
Modena went on in close association with the local Jesuits, and Pezzani and 
Ignatius continued their correspondence until late in Ignatius's life. 

Teresa Rejadell, a nun in the Benedictine convent of Santa Clara in 
Barcelona directly subject to the Holy See, was the leader of a small group 



53 O'Malley, Hrsr Jesuits, 195. 

54 "[L]a quala agiongerebe ala summa de 600 scudi l'anno de intrata . . . dela qual 
entrasta intendo sie afondato un monestiero de monege, gubernate sotto ala Compagnia 
uostra, e sottoposto ale uostre regule et costi[tu]cione et obediencia" {Epistolcz mixta, 
3:335; this is vol. 17 of MHSI). 

55 Rahner, Letters to Women, "HA. 



22 •$• Lisa Fullam 

of nuns wishing to introduce a more ascetical life into their convent in place 
of the lifestyle preferred by their fellow religious, aristocratic ladies little 
given to religious rigor. Rejadell's group, failing to sway the whole member- 
ship to their plan for renewal, requested to be accepted under the obedience 
of the Society. Again, what they requested was the incorporation of a 
monastic group within the Society; again, Ignatius responds in terms of 
mobility: 

[T]he Vicar of Christ has closed the door against our taking on any govern- 
ment or superintendence of religious, something that the Society begged for 
from the beginning. This is because it is judged that it would be for the 
greater service of God our Lord that we should have as few ties as possible 
in order to be able to go wherever obedience to the Sovereign Pontiff and 
the needs of our neighbors may call us. 56 

The question isn't sex, it's availability for mission. 

I've dealt in this section with some of the women known to have 
petitioned Ignatius for admission to the Society of Jesus. Ignatius's response, 
I've maintained, has to do more with the question of mobility than sex per 
se: Ignatius founded a Society of people always available to go wherever they 
were needed, to perform whatever tasks seemed to be needed for the greater 
glory of God and the help of souls. 57 Isabel Roser, Lucrezia di Bradine, and 
Francisca Cruyllas were apparently incapable of that kind of availability. 
These women made substantial contributions to the work of the Society, but 
they did not completely share its life. Roser and her companions created, 
briefly, a second order, a monastic offshoot of the Society. They established 



"[L]a autoridad del vicario de Cristo ha cerrado la puerta para tomar ningun 
gobierno 6 superintendencia de religiosas, suplicandolo al principio la misma Compania, 
por juzgar que seria para mas servicio de Dios N. S. que estuviese quanto desembarazada 
pudiese, pare poder acudir a cualesquiera partes, que la obediencia del sumo pontifice y las 
necesidades del projimo llamasen" {Litterce et instructiones, 2:374). 

A point of distinction: when Ignatius answers inquiries from women (or those 
writing on behalf of women) about admission to the Society with "we must be mobile," is 
he addressing the women's availability for mission, or is he merely saying that (male) 
Jesuits would be restricted in their mobility if the Society were associated with women's 
groups? I've interpreted Ignatius in the first way, because (1) otherwise Ignatius is not 
answering the question he's being asked; (2) the latter position presumes the former, that 
is, it is women's lack of mobility in religious and social life at this time that would cause 
them to limit the mobility of the Society as a whole; and (3) Ignatius's Society worked 
extensively with women's groups, cloistered and not cloistered. It was when they asked to 
become Jesuits that the mobility issue was raised. If only male Jesuits' mobility was at 
stake, those other ties would have been problematic as well. And while in particular cases 
a Jesuit's ministry to women was curtailed, the Society has never avoided ministering to 
women in general on grounds of mobility. 



Juana, S.J.: Status of Women in the Society 4* 23 



a Jesuit-influenced convent, perhaps, but a convent nonetheless. Ignatius's 
consistent refusal to undertake care of cloistered women— therefore at this 
time any women religious at all— underscores his focus on mobility: Jesuits 
cannot be enclosed. 

Juana of Spain 

Unlike Isabel Roser and her companions, Infanta Juana of Spain was 
unambiguously admitted to the Society of Jesus by Jesuit superiors them- 
selves rather than in response to a papal order. She remained a Jesuit for the 
rest of her life. Juana was born in 1535, second daughter of Emperor Charles 
V, and was married in 1552 to Joao Manuel, the heir apparent to the 
Portuguese throne, a marriage that lasted only two years before her hus- 
band's death. Her request in 1554 to enter the Society prompted a hushed 
debate among the Jesuit leadership. Clearly this was a politically sensitive 
issue: Juana, widowed at nineteen, was an eminently marriageable young 
woman. To admit her to the Society would risk enraging her father the 
Emperor, himself no fan of the Jesuits. But at the same time, to refuse her 
request was to risk the displeasure of the Regent of Spain (Juanna had been 
appointed to that post by Charles in July of 1554), a move that could have 
serious consequences for the work of the Society there. The Jesuits, there- 
fore, debated the very special circumstances of "Matteo Sanchez" and "his" 
request to enter the Society of Jesus. 

If, on the one hand, we regard our Constitutions, which forbid such an 
admission, and the privileges of our foundation bulls, we cannot be forced 
to accept such a charge. On the other hand, understanding that three 
persons of like condition were admitted in the early days of the Society, 
and in view of the terms of the above-mentioned bull [commuting "Mat- 
teo's" vow to enter the Franciscans to one of entering the Society of Jesus], 
we have resolved the following: 

That this person be admitted, and that the admission might be fittingly 
made in the way in which the scholastics of the Society are received, on 
probation, it being made clear to the person in question that for two years 
(and longer if it seems good to the superior) it is usual to be on probation, 
and that until this period has elapsed our constitutions do not impose any 
obligation to take a vow of any kind. If anyone, however, makes a vow of 
his own free will before this time has elapsed, in conformity with the 
Society's Constitutions he should make it in this form: [what follows is a 
paraphrase of the vow taken by scholastics (Cons., 540)]. Whoever makes 



24 * Lisa Fullam 

such a vow is a religious of the Society, as may be seen from the sixth 
[actually fifth] part of the Constitutions. 58 

The document is a masterpiece of careful phraseology. It is evident 
that the Jesuits regarded Juana's admission as contrary to the Constitutions. 
The section of the Constitutions usually cited as prohibiting the admission 
of women to the Society (588) does not mention women in the 1550 earlier 
draft. 59 The specific reference to "religious women or any other women 
whatever" first occurs in the 1556 text, after Juana's admission. (Women are 
prohibited, from the 1550 text onwards, from entry into the houses and 
colleges of the Society, unless they are "persons of great charity or of high 
rank as well as of great charity" [Cons., 267]. This, though, is a matter of 
house decorum, not of membership in the Society.) So it is not at all clear 
that the Constitutions in fact forbade Juana's admission. And, as explained 
earlier, even if the fathers were working with a text that included that 
reference to women, the prohibition is based on freedom for mission, not on 
sex simply. 



"[M]irando de vna parte las constitutiones nuestras, que viedan tal admission, 
y el priuilegio de nuestras bulks, que no podemos ser forzados a tomar tal cargo; y de otra 
parte entendiendo que fueron admittidas tres personas semej antes al principio, y lo que 
contenia la bulla arriua dicha, nos resoluimos en lo siguiente, y es: 

"Que podia ser admittida esta persona, y conuenfa que se admittiese, al modo 
que se resciuen los scholares de la Compafiia, a probation, declarandole que por dos afios 
(y mas, si al superior paresciese) es lo ordinario ester en probation, haste el qual termino 
las constitutiones nuestras no obligan a hazer voto ninguno; pero si alguno los haze por su 
uoluntad antes de este tiempo, conformemente al instituto de la Compafiia, los haze desta 
forma. . . . 

"Y el que tiene tal voto es relligioso de la Compafiia, como en la 6. a parte se 
vey. . . . 

"Asimesmo juzgaron los arriua dichos que esta persona, quienquiera que sea, 
pues con priuilegio tan special, y sola, es admittida en la Compafiia, tenga su admission 
debaxo de sigillo de secreto y como en confesion; porque, sabiendose, no fuese exemplo 
para que otra persona tal diese molestia a la Compafiia por tal admission" (Litterce et 
instructiones, 7:686; this is vol 34 of MHSI). 

59 The 1550 text: "Porque las personas desta Compafiia deben star cada hora 
preparadas para discurrir por vnas partes y otras del mundo, adonde fueren ymbiados por 
el sumo pontifice y sus superiores; no dueun tomar cure de dnimas ni obligation de missas 
perpetuus en sus yglesias, ni cargos semejantes que no 'se' compadezen con la libertad que es 
necessaria para 'nuestro modo de proceder' 'in Domino.' " The 1556 text is similar, with 
some exceptions: "no deuen tomar cura de dnimas, 'ni menos cargo de mugeres relligiosas o 
de otras qualesquiera para confessarlas por ordinario o regirlas, aunque por una passada no 
repugne confessar vn monasterio por causes speciales' " (Textus Hispanus [Rome, 1936], 548, 
550; [emphasis in original]; this is bk. 2 of Sancti Ignatii de Loyola Constitutiones Societatis 
Jesu from MI, ser. 3, and it is vol. 64 of MHSI). 



Juana, S.J.: Status of Women in the Society 4- 25 



But the constitutional issue is not the end of the discussion, but its 
starting point. Next, the Jesuits are careful to reassert their freedom in this 
matter: "We cannot be forced." The question of obligation is an important 
subtext in all the discussions surrounding Roser and Juana. Roser had 
petitioned Paul III to order Ignatius to admit her to the Society. 60 Ignatius's 
petition to the Pope asked that the Society "no longer be obliged" 61 to 
undertake care of women who would follow the way of life of the Society. 
Paul's response 62 is cast in the same language: "None of them . . . may be 
obliged." And here again we see language of freedom from obligation; here, 
though, it seems likely that the declaration is meant more for Juana's ears 
than the Pope's: any pressure here, after all, is not from Rome, but from 
"Matteo." If the intention was to rule out once and for all the possibility of 
admitting women to the Society, the language in all these documents is 
curiously circuitous. A more direct reading would indicate that the Society 
wishes to be free to determine whom to admit and whom not to admit. This 
freedom would be especially crucial where the issue at hand— the admission 
of women — has been interpreted as touching on the central concern of 
availability for mission. 

In the next sentence, the Jesuits exercise that freedom to decide. 
Citing "three persons of like condition"— Roser and companions, no doubt — 
as a previous example of admitting people like "Matteo," the Jesuits decide 
that Juana would be admitted as a scholastic. Her admission would be 
probationary for at least two years and during that period she (like other 
scholastics) would be free to take the same vows taken by scholastics at the 
end of probation, but only as a matter of "personal devotion" {Cons., 544). 
Following the two-year probationary period, "the obligation of the initial 
vows must be fulfilled by entering the Society in the ordinary way." 63 

What, exactly, the Jesuits meant by this obligation to enter the 
Society "in the ordinary way" is unclear. All candidates are required to fulfill 
a two-year (at least) probation prior to admission into the Society as scholas- 
tics. The scholasticate, though, is also seen as a temporary state; the scholas- 
tic's vow includes a promise to enter the Society permanently (Cons., 540). 
This means that "they promise to become either professed or formed 
coadjutors" (Cons., 511). The only grade of permanent membership for 
which Juana would have been eligible is that of temporal coadjutor (since 



See p. 17 above. 

See p. 19 above. 

See p. 4 above. 

63 ". . . satisfaze a la obligation del voto primero, pues ha de entrar en la 
Compafiia al modo que ella ordinariamente vsa" (Litterce et instructiones, 7:687). 



26 4* Lisa Fullam 
wmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmffimmmmmmmmmmmmmm 

the professed and spiritual coadjutors must be ordained). Because of the 
political difficulties involved, it is unlikely that Juana's membership was ever 
intended to be formalized in that way. This statement about "Matteo's" 
obligation to enter may serve chiefly to obscure the truth of the matter at 
hand, consistent with the masculine pseudonym used, or perhaps some form 
of permanent scholastic status was envisioned for her. Either way, there is 
no particular reason to infer that she would have been accepted into any 
other grade of membership in the Society. The probationary nature of 
Juana's initial admission protected the Society from the serious legal and 
political consequences that might be anticipated from accepting the Regent 
of Spain into the order. Had her membership been discovered, she could 
simply have been dismissed. But despite all the tergiversation about her exact 
status in the Society, the decision of the fathers was to admit her: Juana's 
request was granted. 

The Jesuit leaders wanted this situation kept very quiet, both for 
obvious reasons of political prudence and also because they were concerned 
that this might start a trend, as Roser's admission earlier had sparked a wave 
of interest among Spanish women who might haev wished to join the 
Society. So this "special and sole privilege" 64 must be kept strictly secret, "as 
in confession, because, if it came to be known, it might be taken as a 
precedent, so that some other person like this would trouble the Society for 
a similar admission" (ibid.). 

At this point, secrecy "as in confession" descended: the precise 
details of Juana's vows are unknown. Ignatius wrote to her in January 1555: 

From a letter from Father Francis Borgia I have understood what a great 
service it would be to you that we should comply with the pious and holy 
desires of a certain person. Although there was no small difficulty in the 
matter, we put such difficulty second to the will we all have and should 
have to serve Your Highness in our Lord. 

Because Father Francis will speak of the details of which Your High- 
ness will wish to be informed, since I have confidence in whatever he will 
say on my behalf, I shall say no more. 65 



4 See p. 24 n. 58 above. 

65 Tor una letra del P. Francisco de Borja entendi quanto seria seruida V. A. que 
turbiesemos forma como los pios y santos desseos de cierta persona fuesen cumplidos. Y 
aunque en el negocio ubiese difficultad no pequena, pospusose todo a la uoluntad que 
todos deuemos y tenemos al seruicio de V. A. en el Sefior nuestro. 

"Y porque el P. Francisco hablara de lo particular de que V. A. querra ser 
informada, remittiendome a quanto dira de mi parte, no diro yo otro" (Littene et 
instructioneSy 8:235; this is vol. 36 of MHSI). 



Juana, S.J.: Status of Women in the Society •%• 27 



Offered as evidence of Juana's vows is this very silence on the details, in 
keeping with the directive from the Curia, even as Ignatius made it clear that 
the request was granted. Juana's assiduous work on behalf of the Society is a 
further hint, as is the subsequent correspondence concerning not only 
Juana's political services to the Society but her spiritual growth as well. 
Rahner writes: 

The General took the princess's vocation seriously. Hardly a letter reached 
Spain in which Borgia or Araoz and other fathers were not informed of the 
regent's services or asked to report on them. ... A proof of the seriousness 
with which Ignatius and his successors took the princess' membership of 
the Society, despite its unique and secret nature, are the repeated reports to 
Rome on her progress in virtue. 66 

But the same question must be asked of Juana as of Roser: What 
kind of life did Juana anticipate as a Jesuit? Again, consider the dynastic 
consequences: Juana was young and unmarried. While she remained unmar- 
ried for the rest of her life, a promise to do so could hardly have been made 
public. Secondly, some legal questions: Can the regent of Spain take a vow 
of poverty? What, exactly, would it mean to take a reigning monarch under 
obedience? And, finally, can Juana, regent of Spain, expect to live a life 
informed by that fourth vow of availability for mission (even though, like 
other scholastics and coadjutors, she had not taken such a vow)? In short, 
Juana's admission to the Society of Jesus was exceptional because of her sex 
and also because Juana's circumstances presented problems relating to all 
four of the vows normally 
taken by Jesuits. The first 

three— poverty, chastity, and The decision of the fathers was to 

obedience— were atypical for admit her: Juana's request was 

Juana primarily because of her granted. 

political position. The fourth 

vow, narrowly interpreted, — — ^— ^— i^^— ^^-^— — — ^-^— 
was troublesome for this rea- 
son too, but also because of the social and cultural position she shared with 
Roser: short of a revolutionary revision of the nature of women's religious 
life, a revision that neither she nor Roser nor Ignatius seems to have envi- 
sioned (and that, as shown above, the Church was not yet ready to allow 
either), women in sixteenth-century Spain were, by and large, not free in the 
way that Jesuits of that time were characteristically free for mission. 

Nevertheless, she came as close as she could. Her life at court was 
one of unusual austerity. Bustamente wrote to Ignatius that "the regent's 



66 



Rahner, Letters to Women, 60. 



28 * Lisa Fullam 

palace is more like a convent." 67 Juana was unfailingly helpful to the Society, 
but there was no constraining her imperial manner: a letter to Ignatius in 
1556 "thanking" the General for keeping Francis Borgia and Araoz close at 
hand in Valladolid reflects the profound ambiguity of being an obedient 
ruler: 

Fr. Nadal gave me a letter of yours at which I greatly rejoiced. What you 
say in it gives me double reason for favoring the Society, since you do not 
want Fr. Francis's departure to take place without my consent. For this I 
am extremely grateful to you. ... I feel the same about Dr. Araoz and thus 
I have commanded them under no circumstances to go away. 68 

Yet despite the ambiguity of her position, Juana seemed to have a real 
affinity for the Society. In 1558, Borgia wrote to Lainez: "She grows daily in 
the spiritual life and in pious submission to the Society; I think she is one of 
those who fully understand the nature of the Society, and she has in truth a 
good will for all our affairs." 69 

Juana died at the age of thirty-eight, still a member of the Society of 
Jesus, the only woman known to have lived and died a Jesuit. 

What shall we make of Juana's admission to the Society? Most 
basically, with Juana, the Jesuits decided that being a woman was not an 
absolute bar to membership in the Society. Beyond this obvious conclusion, 
can more be said? The answer is complex: First, the Jesuits did not offer any 
explanation for their decision beyond the bare-bones note about "Matteo." 
What is clear is that they admitted a woman; they do not explain exactly 
why. Doubtless, one factor in the Jesuits' decision was Juana's political 
influence: it seems likely that it was her political position that caused the 
Society to seriously entertain the possibility of her admission at all. But 
while it would be beyond naive to think that her political clout had nothing 
to do with her admission, to explain away her admission as mere political 
pandering is too simplistic. Clearly, agreeing to her request was politically 
advantageous to the Society. It is also true that admitting Juana entailed 



67 "[M]as monasterio que palacio" (Epistolcz mixbe, 4:618). 

68 "Una carta vuestra me dio el P. Nadal, con que holge mucho, porque, por lo 
que en ella me decis, se me dobla la razon que tengo pare fauorecer a la Compania, pues 
no quereis que la ida del P. Francisco sea sin my voluntad, lo qual os agradezco mucho, 
. . . y lo mesmo siento del doctor Araoz, y asy les e mandado que en ninguna manera 
baian" (Epistolce mixUe, 5:184f.; this is vol. 20 of MHSI). 

69 "Crece de cada dia en spiritu y en deuocion de la Compania, y asi creo es vna 
de las personas que entiendo el instituto della, y con verdad tiene voluntad a todas nuestras 
cosas" (Sanctus Franciscus Borgia, 5. vols. [Madrid, 1894-1911], 3:406; this is vol. 35 of 
MHSI). 



Juana, S.J.: Status of Women in the Society 4* 29 



some risk— the potential effects of inciting Charles V against the Society 
extended far beyond the work of the Society in Spain. So the political 
advantage of saying yes to the regent of Spain is part of the situation, but 
not all of it. 

What about availability? If availability for mission was the principal 
reason for Ignatius's unwillingness to establish a second order of female 
Jesuits from the outset, did Juana somehow overcome the social limitations 
on women's activity of her time? The answer here, I suggest, is a qualified 
"yes." The qualification lies in the Society's evolving understanding of the 
meaning of apostolic availability and mobility at the time of Juana's admission. 

A prime example of — and motive force in — this evolution can be 
seen in the increasing Jesuit commitment to founding and running schools. 
By 1551 the Society was opening schools "at the rate of about four or five 
per year." 70 With the establishment of the schools, the Society had increased 
its commitment to ministries that required a more constant presence. The 
willingness to be sent "to whatsoever place" had evolved into a more 
thoroughgoing availability "for whatsoever ministry" the Church might 
need. 

The Jesuit Constitutions stipulated that "the first characteristic of our 
Institute" was for the members to be free to travel to various parts of the 
world. The foundational model for this characteristic was the itinerant 
preachers of the Gospel described in the New Testament. Although the 
evangelical model was dominant in the early years, it was of course not the 
only one, for stable residences were foreseen from the beginning. Nonethe- 
less, that model now had to be further tempered by the reality of being 
resident schoolmasters. The tension between the continuing insistence on 
the necessity of mobility and the long-term commitment required by the 
schools would remain throughout Jesuit history. (239) 

The tension O'Malley notes is important. The concept of mobility 
was not simply replaced by a kind of theoretical availability: a complex and 
dynamic relationship between availability and mobility ensued— a relation- 
ship that is beyond the scope of this paper to delineate— in which the 
Society's radical availability is manifested in missions that may require some 
Jesuits' personal stability. Yet mobility, which in turn requires a prior 
fundamental availability of mind and heart, a basic willingness to be sent, 
remains important to Jesuit self-understanding. 

So was Juana available? In a political sense, certainly: Juana was in 
no sense cloistered— on the contrary, she was engaged and active in the 
world on behalf of the Society. And while she herself could not be sent "to 



70 



O'Malley, First Jesuits, 200. 



30 4* Lisa Fullam 

whatsoever place," surely her influence moved freely over the whole of 
Spain and throughout the empire to facilitate the Jesuits' work. Juana was 
"missioned" in the exercise of her influence, wherever the Jesuits needed her: 
her political position gave her an almost unique mode of availability for the 
work of the Society. She also seems to have manifested personally the deeper 
availability of heart that underlies mobility in its more usual sense: her 
profound sense of connection to the Society's mission can be seen in her 
dedication to promoting and defending its work. Juana was not merely an 
advocate for the Society: her dedication to living out religious life as well as 
she could — and the Jesuits' concern for her spiritual well-being in return- 
reveal a true effort to enter into the life of the Society as completely as her 
political circumstances permitted. 

In the complex of factors that may have influenced the Jesuits' 
decision about Juana, therefore, we see political advantage and risk to the 
Society (even as they assert their freedom to decline her request); her 
commitment to a kind of religious life (even while the vows of poverty, 
chastity, and obedience were atypical in her case); her dedication to the 
work of the Society (while Roser seems to have been motivated more by 
personal devotion to Ignatius); as well as her ability to exercise a kind of 
availability roughly analogous to that of other Jesuits in fixed apostolates. 
But on the other hand, of course, there had been no significant change in 
women's status in society and in the Church, so even while Juana was able 
to exercise a kind of availability, still she lived in a social and religious 
context in which her admission could not be seen as opening the door for 
the admission of ordinary women. 

A summary of the story thus far: I've tried to show that most 

women in Ignatius's time could not embody the availability for mission that 

is essential to the Jesuit charism. Ignatius's group was a religious order. The 

question of the admission of women to the Society was, in most cases, a 

non-starter in Ignatius's time, because 

-—-■■■-■■-■■■■— —^^^^^— women were either cloistered if they were 

~, i'ii • religious, or not religious if they were not 

They admitted her in a , . , ~ c ,-i- T 

./. cloistered. On grounds or mobility Ignatius 

strikingly ordinary way. consistent i y re j e cted the idea of women 

belonging to the Society. And Juana's ad- 
mission underscores the idea that sex can- 
not be the deciding issue here— Juana was no less a woman after her admis- 
sion than before. What she was after her admission was a woman living 
under the religious vows of the Society of Jesus while substantially assisting 
the Society's work in Spain. To an unusual extent, Juana was able to 
overcome the catch-22 that kept most women from being able to live as 



Juana y S.J.: Status of Women in the Society <k 31 



Jesuits: her political influence was an avenue to a kind of apostolic availabil- 
ity for the work of the Society, and at the same time it served as leverage 
that enabled her to force the question of her admission on the Jesuit leader- 
ship. And, as it turned out, they let her in. Beyond that, they admitted her 
in a strikingly ordinary way. The infanta Juana, regent of Spain, became — a 
scholastic. An extraordinary person in extraordinary circumstances was seen 
to fit into a very ordinary niche. It is her ordinary admission, freely under- 
taken, that is salient about Juana's case: when all was said and done, the 
Jesuits decided that Juana was a Jesuit— an unusual Jesuit, to be sure, but a 
Jesuit nonetheless. 



T 



And Now? 



he idea that availability for mission was the grounds for excluding 
most women from the early Society has not gone unnoticed by 
twentieth-century commentators. Thomas Clancy, S.J., has written: 



In 1546 the first sketch of the General Examen was made, and in this and 
the following year Ignatius decided that the Society should not admit 
women and should indeed be relieved of the duty of regularly caring for 
religious women. ... As Hugo Rahner has shown, he was no misogynist 
and he found himself throughout his life deeply indebted to female benefac- 
tors both spiritual and temporal, but he concluded that this work had to 
cede to the desired mobility of his Company. 71 

Rogelio Garcia-Mateo, S.J., concurs. 

It was not so much this experience [with Roser's group] but the apostolic 
goal of the new order (to go where the greatest need was, and often alone, 
like Francis Xavier) that led Ignatius to reject the idea of a women's branch 
of the Society of Jesus. Given the social structures and external conditions 
of the time, such missionary activity was hardly conceivable for women. 
... It needs to be underscored that Ignatius' refusal to accept women into 
the order was not because of any enmity toward them, but because of the 
circumstances of the time. 72 

But times change. 

So how shall we understand Juana, S.J., for our own times? Is Juana 
merely a sixteenth-century singularity, a permanent footnote in the annals of 



Clancy, Introduction to Jesuit Life, 60. 
72 Rogelio Garcia-Mateo, S.J., "Ignatius of Loyola and Women," Theology Digest 



45, no. 1 (Spring 1998): 3 If. 



32 4* Lisa Fullam 

the Society? How shall we decide whether she was an exception— a historical 
curiosity without particular importance for the Society today— or a prece- 
dent pointing to a future for women as members of the Society of Jesus? In 
part, of course, only time will tell. If women are members of the Society in 
the future, Juana will be a precedent; if women are never admitted, she will 
have been an exception. The judgment of Juana's relevance, then, depends 
on present-day and future Jesuits and how they interpret the meaning of her 
story. To conclude this essay, I would like to offer a few considerations that 
might shape a renewed examination of the question of admitting women to 
the Society in our time. 

Behind any of the specific issues I will raise, though, is the deeper 
question that has guided the individual and corporate decisions of the 
Society of Jesus since its birth— what is a ad majorem Dei gloriam"? This 
question is not amenable to simple calculation of practical costs and benefits. 
Rather, this question draws us into a deeper kind of inquiry: it is an opening 

to discernment. How may God be better 
served in the work and lives of Jesuits in 

Faithfulness to Ignatius's our u time? ? f ^ e m f ion „ of ^ S ° ciet y is 

...... to be people tor others, would the mclu- 

vision invites discernment. r , r ,., , , 

sion oi women in its lire and work en- 

^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ hance its availability, its flexibility, its abil- 
ity to speak to modern cultures in a way 
that is both familiar and prophetic, both encouraging and challenging? The 
stance of attentive responsiveness to the voice of the Spirit at work— which 
is the heart of all true availability— should inform any consideration of this 
topic. 

With this hermeneutic as our guide, I'll explore three main con- 
cerns. First, I'll consider the meaning of inculturation: What are the implica- 
tions for the Society of the changing status of women in our time? Another 
issue that I must consider is priesthood: although most Jesuits in Ignatius's 
lifetime were not yet ordained, it is now nearly normative for Jesuits to be 
priests. Can women be Jesuits if they cannot be ordained? Finally, I'll offer 
some reasons why I believe that the Society might raise again the question of 
admitting women to membership— not "Why not?" but "Why?" 

Inculturation 

One of the great themes of the work of the Society of Jesus from its 
very beginnings down to the present is an emphasis on inculturation. Matteo 
Ricci's work in the Far East is an often cited early example, and General 



Juana, S.J.: Status of Women in the Society •!• 33 



Congregation 34 reiterates the importance of this characteristic of Jesuit 
mission. 

The proclamation of the Gospel in a particular context ought always to 
address its cultural, religious, and structural features, not as a message that 
comes from outside, but as a principle that, from within, "animates, directs 
and unifies the culture, transforming and remaking it so as to bring about 'a 
new creation.'" 73 

Inculturation, theologically, is a gesture of faith that God speaks to the 
human heart in all places and times. (The same confidence undergirds 
annotation 15 of the Spiritual Exercises, in which the director is instructed 
that it is better to allow "the Creator to deal immediately with the creature 
and the creature with its the Creator and Lord." 74 This connection of Jesuit 
mission and culture is "not just a pragmatic apostolic strategy; it is rooted in 
the mysticism flowing from the experience of Ignatius. . . . [I]t is never a 
question of choosing either God or the world; rather, it is always God in 
the world" (GC 34, dec. 4, no. 7). 

This is the dynamic expressed in Vatican II's call for religious orders 
to reassess their foundations and to embrace again the "spirit and aims of 
each founder." But these aims, along with the "sound traditions" of each 
institute, are retained in the context of renewal. 

The up-to-date renewal of the religious life comprises both a constant 
return to the sources of the whole of the Christian life and to the primitive 
inspiration of the institutes, and their adaptation to the changed conditions 
of our time. 75 

Time calls for cultural accommodation no less than distance. 
Inculturation is not only a bridge across synchronic cultural gaps but is also 
required where time has made a culture different from its former self. 
Faithfulness to Ignatius's vision invites discernment: not simply repeating his 
decisions, but rather weighing issues based on the needs of the Church, the 
needs of the Society, and the continual search for how the Society might 
work "to the greater glory of God and for the help of souls." 



73 Documents of the Thirty-Fourth General Congregation of the Society of Jesus (St. 
Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1995), dec. 2, no. 41, citing Pedro Arrupe, "Letter to the 
Whole Society on Inculturation," Acta Romana 17 (1978): 257. 

74 The Spiritual Exercises of St. Ignatius, trans, with commentary by George E. 
Ganss, S.J. (St. Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1992), no. 15 (p. 26). 

75 "Decree on the Up-to-Date Renewal of Religious Life" ("Perfectae caritatis"), in 
Vatican Council II: The Conciliar Documents, ed. Austin Flannery, O.P. (Collegeville, 
Minn.: Liturgical Press, 1975), no. 2 (p. 612). 



34 * Lisa Fullam 

Ignatius did not want to bequeath to us the constitutions as a finished 
product, and . . . Lainez "saw in this unfinished work of Ignatius a sum- 
mons to a creative fidelity, the Society's responsibility, when gathered in 
general congregation, to renew, enrich and clarify with new apostolic 
experiences, demands, and urgencies, the way pointed out to us by the 
pilgrim Ignatius." 76 

What, then, are the "new apostolic experiences, demands, and 
urgencies" of our times? Surely one of the most striking signs of these times 
is the dramatic change in the role of women in society, particularly an 
increase in women's self-determination in freedom. Women now participate 
in government, academia, the military, business, medicine, and many other 
areas of public life in ways unimaginable in Ignatius's time. Bluntly put, 
women in Ignatius's time were not available for mission as the Jesuit charism 
required. Now women are. Ignatius's express reason for excluding most 
women from the Society no longer holds. 

This happens at a time when the Society itself is beginning to 
consider the importance of issues involving women. Decree 14 of GC 34, 
"Jesuits and the Situation of Women in Church and Civil Society," begins 
with a statement of the scope of this issue: 

[I]t is indeed a central concern of any contemporary mission which seeks to 
integrate faith and justice. It has a universal dimension in that it involves 
men and women everywhere. To an increasing extent it cuts across barriers 
of class and culture. It is of personal concern to those who work with us in 
our mission, especially lay and religious women. (361) 

Perhaps, then, it is time to consider again what the first Jesuits and Juana 
began. 

Priesthood 

It is impossible to consider the inclusion of women in the Society of 
Jesus today without addressing the question of priesthood. Ignatius envi- 
sioned a company as broadly useful to the Church as possible, ready for any 
task that is "for the greater glory of God and the good of souls" (Cons., 605, 
et passim). And it is certainly true, in our own time no less than in Igna- 
tius's, that priestly ordination expands the types of ministry that an individ- 
ual may offer in the Church. Sacramental ministry (of Eucharist and penance 
particularly) was central among the activities of the early Jesuits. The largely 
sacerdotal character of the Society since then has confirmed and reconfirmed 
Ignatius's emphasis on administration of the sacraments as a significant 



76 "Historical Preface," in Thirty-Fourth General Congregation, p. 14. 



]uana y S.J.: Status of Women in the Society 4* 35 



aspect of the Society's work. Moreover, the multilayered meaning of mem- 
bership in the Society indicates that it is the professed of all four vows (who 
are priests) that are considered members in the strictest sense. 

The fourth and most precise meaning of this name, the Society, compre- 
hends only the professed. The reason is, not that the body of the Society 
contains no other members, but that the professed are the principal mem- 
bers. (511) 

The description of the Society given in the Formula also includes priestly 
functions: The Society is 

founded chiefly for this purpose: to strive especially for the defense and 
propagation of the faith and for the progress of souls in Christian life and 
doctrine, by means of public preaching, lectures, and any other ministration 
whatsoever of the word of God, and further by means of the Spiritual 
Exercises, the education of children and unlettered persons in Christianity, 
and the spiritual consolation of Christ's faithful through hearing confessions 
and administering the other sacraments. Moreover, this Society should show 
itself no less useful in reconciling the estranged, in holily assisting and 
serving those who are found in prisons and hospitals, and indeed in per- 
forming any other works of charity, according to what will seem expedient 
for the glory of God and the common good. (3) 

But the Society has never been composed only of priests. The 
history of the Jesuit brothers, known prior to GC 34 as temporal coadjutors, 
bears witness that Jesuit identity is not a subtext of priestly identity, but 
exists distinct from priesthood. Jesuit brothers are not failed priests: they are 
Jesuits for whose ministry ordination is not required. Their presence in the 
Society is a particularly bold assertion of the meaning of "for the greater 
glory of God and the good of souls"— not even a ministry as clearly impor- 
tant in the life of the Church and the Society as sacramental priesthood can 
completely circumscribe the Jesuit vocation. As Pedro Arrupe noted, "In 
some ways, the religious brother embodies religious life in its essence, and so 
is able to illustrate that life with particular clarity." 77 

Therefore, the present ban on the ordination of women does not 
mean that women cannot fully participate in the Jesuit mission. The purpose 
of the Society given in the Formula includes ministries reserved to priests, 
but the description neither begins nor ends with those tasks. Indeed, as it 
does in the case of the brothers, the incorporation of women in the Society 
would emphasize Ignatius's point that what is essential is availability for 



' "Contribution of Jesuit Brothers to the Apostolic Community of the Society," 
Acta Romano, 27 (1978): 381, cited in Thirty-Fourth General Congregation, dec. 7, 204 (p. 
104). 



36 4* Lisa Fullam 

whatever is deemed to be "for the greater glory of God and the good of 
souls." 

But Why? 

I've argued so far that inculturation includes a kind of "entemporali- 
zation," that is, looking at and responding to the signs of changing times. 
Women are now participants in public life in an unprecedented way; and 
GC 34, recognizing that "women's issues" are the urgent concern of the 
whole Church, has dedicated the Society to solidarity with women in all 
aspects of its work. Priesthood, while an important aspect of the ministry of 
most Jesuits, is not a prerequisite for membership in the Society, as the 
Jesuit brothers have demonstrated for more than four centuries. Now I'd 
like to offer a few more specific thoughts on why the Society might once 
again take up the question of women as members. This list is not intended 
to be exhaustive, but perhaps might serve to provide starting points for 
further discussion of this issue. 



A reexamination of the nature, scope, and distinctiveness of Jesuit 
vocation 

Ignatius's response to Roser and Juana reflected and underscored one 
of the central aspects of his religious vision: Jesuits must be available for 
mission. A renewed discussion of the possibility of women Jesuits would 
likewise focus on the self-understanding of Jesuits as religious, as Christians, 
as human beings — what does this vocation mean today? How is the Jesuit 
charism distinctive in today's Church? 

A model of collaboration in a divided Church 

Including women as members of the Society of Jesus would be a 
powerful witness to collaboration in a divided Church. As GC 34 phrased it, 
"We invite all Jesuits, as individuals and through their institutions, to align 
themselves in solidarity with women" (373). What better solidarity is there 
than common commitment to the Jesuit mission in its entirety, in its 
internal life as well as its external work? Women have participated in the 
work of the Society from its beginning. But women like Juana and others 
down to our own time seem to share more than mere cooperation in the 
work of Jesuits— they share a common vocation. If the Society truly means 
to "listen carefully and courageously to the experience of women" (372), it 
might listen to this aspect of women's experience as well, where the quiet 
and persistent voice of a Jesuit vocation asks to be put to work "for the 



Juana, S.J.: Status of Women in the Society 4» 37 



greater glory of God and for the good of souls." Ignatian spirituality has 
touched the lives of countless men and women over the centuries; why 
would it be surprising that the Jesuit vocation is likewise shared by women 
as well as men? 



A focus on the role of vowed religious in collaboration with laity 

Decree 10 of GC 34, "The Promotion of Vocations," states that 
"[cjearly, a vocation is a gift from God, and no human effort can replace the 
action of the Spirit. Nonetheless, God uses human instruments. Each Jesuit 
and each Jesuit community must take responsibility for ensuring that we can 
carry out our mission in the years to come" (292). Incorporation of women 
in the Society of Jesus is not the whole solution to the challenge of continu- 
ing the Society's mission. Doubtless, increased collaboration with laypeople 
in the work of the Society as well as increased cooperation with members of 
other religious congregations will also be essential and will add a synergetic 
vigor to its work. But the mission of the Society cannot be completely 
summed up in any list of tasks accomplished: the work of the Society 
consists in the witness of the lives of Jesuits as much as any work performed 
in the name of the Society. As Arrupe noted, "the true contribution of the 
Brothers (as of every other member of the Society) is himself, his own 
person, the gift God gives to the Society in each vocation." 78 That is why 
the list of usual ministries ends with "any other works of charity." That also 
gives impetus to the fourth vow of availability for whatever mission is 
required: the first task of a Jesuit is to be a Jesuit, "for the greater glory of 
God and the good of souls." As such, vowed Jesuits are at the center of the 
mission, the paradigmatic agents of Ignatius's ideal of Jesuit discipleship. 
Welcoming women to membership in the Society would help to reinforce 
that distinctively religious, distinctively Jesuit identity, not as a refutation of 
the close bonds of shared apostolate of laity with the Society, but in recogni- 
tion and celebration of the gifts of the lay and religious vocations. 79 

A response to a pastoral need 

When Polanco listed the benefits to the Society of Jesuit-run 
schools, he noted that "[although Jesuits should not try to persuade any- 
body to enter the Society, especially not young boys, their good example 
and other factors will, nonetheless, help gain 'laborers in the vineyard.'" 80 



Arrupe, Challenge, 282. 
79 See Thirty-Fourth General Congregation, dec. 13, 358 (p. 169). 



38 * Lisa Full am 

Polanco's observation still holds true: the schools help gain potential mem- 
bers for the Society. As increasing numbers of Jesuit schools become coed, it 
has become more common for Jesuits working in those schools to be 
approached by young women inquiring about membership in the Society. 
Obviously, a first inquiry is not the same as a thoroughly discerned and 
tested vocation, but at the same time, such an inquiry is often the starting- 
point of such a discernment. How should the Society respond to these 
inquiries? 

Sending those who ask to other religious congregations is frequently 
an unsatisfying solution for all concerned. A religious order is built on the 
vision of its founder, but also on the way that vision is received and lived 

out by its members, much as the Church 
__^_^________, is built on Scripture and tradition. Even 

where orders share a similar founding vi- 
A charism, like an indi- sion, the expression of that charism devel- 

viduaVs vocation to a par- ops uniquely in response to the circum- 
ticular way of life, is an stances of history and personality of those 

avenue of growth in called to that way of life. Ignatius founded 

fidelity, t ^ ie Society of Jesus, but the charism of the 

Society lives in the lives of all its members, 
^^^^^__^^^^_^^^^_ from Xavier to Ellacuria, from Alfonso 

Rodriguez to Pedro Arrupe. The Society 
of Jesus is a unique expression of the Ignatian tradition, and women who 
inquire about joining the Society are asking about becoming Jesuits. There is 
a pastoral need for a sensitive and thoughtful response to these inquiries that 
requires, first of all, a consideration of the question on its own merits: Can 
these women join the Society? 

The magis 

I'd like to end this section by returning to the first and most 
important question: What is u Ad majorem Dei gloriam"? The best reason for 
the Society once again to consider incorporating women as vowed members 
would be in response to a prayerful discernment of this question undertaken 
by the Society as a whole, its leadership, smaller communities, individual 
Jesuits, and women who feel called to Jesuit life. Continually seeking the 
magis, the "more," the greater avenue of service, is central to Jesuit life and 
ministry. This question has led the Society to continually reassess its role in 



80 O'Malley, First Jesuits, 212, quoting Epistolce et instructiones, 4:7; this latter is 
vol. 29 of MHSI). 



]uana y S.J.: Status of Women in the Society •$• 39 



the Church and in the world these last several centuries, and will remain the 
touchstone of the Society's discernment. In sum, could God be better served 
by the Society's incorporating women fully among its membership? Are 
there gifts that women might bring to the Society that might enhance its 
effectiveness in ministry? Would the Society be a better witness to Christ if 
it refused to exclude women? Women are no longer limited to certain 
circumscribed spheres of society: should the Society of Jesus, which has 
always gone wherever it was needed, to do whatever is "ad majorem Dei 
gloriam" and for the help of souls, reflect this reality in its corporate life? 
Ultimately, this question can only be asked in dialogue, in shared work, in 
shared prayer, in shared life. 

Conclusion 

The charism of a religious order is its institutional vocation. Like any 
vocation, it is less a summons than an invitation, less a set of in- 
structions than an opportunity for response. A charism, like an 
individual's vocation to a particular way of life, is an avenue of growth in 
fidelity. An institution, like an individual, becomes most truly itself, what it 
is particularly called to be, by striving for fidelity to its original vision and 
by embodying that vision in all the circumstances of its corporate life. The 
experience of Roser and those others who petitioned Ignatius unsuccessfully 
has left us a record of the founder's thoughts about some aspects of Jesuit 
identity, and the utter centrality of availability for mission to that self- 
understanding. Likewise, Juana's request to join the Society occasioned an 
examination of the limits of Jesuit identity and resulted in the determination 
that, while hardly typical, she fitted within those limits— she was a Jesuit, 
not in a special category, but simply as a scholastic. In our own time, 
women have achieved an unprecedented degree of social self-determination, a 
freedom enjoyed only by very exceptional individuals in past ages. That 
freedom is the precondition for considering again the scope of Jesuit identity 
and to ponder how the Society will put into practice its stance of solidarity 
with women. Perhaps the time is right to consider the possibility of incorpo- 
rating women again in the Society of Jesus. 



O 



SOURCES 

St. Ignatius of Loyola 

To Mary of Austria, governor of Flanders 
Queen of Hungary and Bohemia 



Close to the heart of Ignatius was the founding of a college of the Society at Louvain in 
Flanders, site of one of the great universities of Europe. But such a foundation could not 
legally be made without the permission of the governor of Flanders, Mary of Austria, 
second-youngest sister of Emperor Charles V and widow of Louis, king of Hungary and 
Bohemia who had been killed at the great Turkish victory over the Christians at Mohdcs 
in 1526. In 1530 her brother had installed her as the regent of the Netherlands, a post that 
she still held at the time of this letter. While her sister Catherine in Portugal was extraor- 
dinarily favorable to the Jesuits, Mary followed the advice of her counsellors, Granvelle 
and van Zwichum, who were unfavorable to them. In this letter Ignatius presents to the 
regent a brief sketch of the Society, its purposes, members and activities, and asks for 
permission to establish a college at Louvain. The letter received no reply. Ignatius did not 
live to see a house established there. It was only after Charles V abdicated as emperor and 
his sister left the Netherlands that the Jesuits were formally established at Louvain in 
August 1556, a few weeks after Ignatius had died. 

This letter, no. 2517 of the collected letters of Ignatius, was translated by the late 
Martin Palmer, S.J. 

Rome, March 26, 1552 
Her Sacred Royal Majesty 

Most clement Lady: with the intention that its professed 

Since the founding in Rome a few members, rendering obedience to the 

years ago and confirmation by the Apos- Hol 7 Apostolic See, should work for 

tolic See of the Society of the name of the S eneral S ood of soms 5 namel > r > b ^ 

Jesus, whose protector is Cardinal Carpi, P ubUc Poaching of the word of God, 

it has pleased Almighty God that a num- P ractlce of works of Christian charity, 

ber of learned and pious men should proclamation of the Christian faith to 

leave their homelands, renounce their an 7 and a11 unbelievers when sent to do 

own property and all worldly goods, so, and finally by strenuous opposition 

and dedicate themselves to God in this to the efforts of heretics, each according 

Society. They have been joined by nu- to the talent he has received from the 

merous young men of good character Lord. However, since this can be carried 

and outstanding promise, natives of vari- out only by persons who join knowl- 

ous places, who have embraced the way edge of the sacred writings with piety, 

of life of this Society in order to serve divine Providence has prompted a num- 

spiritually as soldiers under the banner ber of illustrious and most religious 

of Jesus. For the Society was founded princes, as well as numerous other God- 

40 



Sources 



41 



fearing, noble, and generous men simi- 
larly well affected towards the scholas- 
tics of this Society, to establish colleges 
for them. These have been successfully 
founded in a number of important plac- 
es, such as at Catholic universities in 
various countries, where there are nu- 
merous such persons who can be formed 
to honorable and truly Christian behav- 
ior and at the same time be brought 
with outstanding trustworthiness and 
care to solid learning in Holy Scripture. 
There are a number of such colleges in 
Spain, one in Portugal, several in India, 
two in Sicily, as well as in Rome, Bolo- 
gna, Padua, and Venice. 

Also, from the Society's earliest 
confirmation there were not lacking in it 
studious young men who had already 
studied for a number of years in various 
places, but particularly at the flourishing 
university of Louvain. There a number 
of them made such progress in their 
studies that, with Christ's favor having 
successfully completed their studies 
there, they supply useful workers for 
the vineyard of the Lord. Some have not 
yet finished their studies there. 

Meanwhile, it has pleased the divine 
Goodness to inspire certain honorable 
men to take steps for the benefit of 
these scholastics, who are living there in 
poverty. That is, there are persons who, 
as in other places, are eager to see a col- 



lege of the Society of Jesus established at 
the famous academy of Louvain. For 
this purpose one such person would be 
quite willing to offer and assign posses- 
sions of his own, including real-estate 
property. However, this cannot be done 
without the approval, without the gener- 
ous consent and kindly patronage, of 
Your Sacred Majesty. Wherefore, Igna- 
tius of Loyola, a priest of Spain and su- 
perior of said Society, most humbly and 
obediently petitions Your Sacred Maj- 
esty to deign to grant such permission 
for establishing this college at the great 
university of Louvain, and likewise to 
permit real-estate property to be as- 
signed to it, together with such annual 
income as the generosity of good friends 
may sustain, up to the amount of a 
thousand ducats. 

Should Your Sacred Majesty grant 
this favor, you will be performing an act 
of undoubted piety and one most pleas- 
ing to the Lord Jesus. Moreover, you 
will render this entire Society— already 
indebted to Your Majesty on so many 
scores — even more closely obligated to 
you, so that for as long as it endures it 
cannot help but pour forth prayers to 
God for Your Majesty's security and 
well-being and for the happiness of all 
your realms. 

Ignatius of Loyola 



LETTERS TO THE EDITOR 



Editor: 

I read most of the STUDIES that 
come, and often find them a source of 
wonderment. From the May 1999 issue I 
learn there are no Jesuits in Michigan. 
Where have they gone? 

Still more puzzling is the principal 
article, "Fidelity in the Church— Then 
and Now." 

On p. 10 Fr. Gerald Fagin tells us, 
"St. Thomas spoke of two kinds of 
magisterium, magisterium of the bishops 
and the magisterium of the theologians. 
The bishops possessed authority by vir- 
tue of their office, whereas the theolo- 
gians derived their authority from then- 
knowledge of theology." This is not re- 
ally what Thomas says in the Quodlibe- 
tal indicated (EI, 9). The question is 
whether it is legitimate for someone to 
ask a license for himself to teach theol- 
ogy. In the body of the article, Thomas 
states that the person who gives the li- 
cense gives him, not knowledge, but the 
authority to teach. That is, while theolo- 
gians are supposed to acquire their 
knowledge by boning up on it them- 
selves, they get their authority to teach 
from the one who confers the license (a 
bishop or pope, I presume). So upon 
examination, Thomas is found saying 
the opposite of what he has been called 
into court to say. 

The other great names mentioned 
(Orsy, Sullivan, Komonchak, McBrien, 
Gaillardetz) I regret are not found in the 
library I write from; but the author's 
use of them, with all their fine words 
and creative assertions, does not con- 
vincingly establish a parallel magisteri- 
um, unless of course one is convinced of 
it already. 



The drafters of CG 34's decree 11 
attempted a "nuanced and substantive 
statement." Rather it turned out long on 
nuance and short on substance. For after 
the nuances have finished canceling each 
other out, we are left with a decree thin 
and vague enough to cover the present 
reality: Jesuits, probably the majority, 
dissenting from the clear and often ex- 
pressed teachings of the magisterium on 
one or more issues such as contracep- 
tion, objective moral norms, homosexu- 
ality, the restriction of ordination to 
men. We could go on into dogma, start- 
ing with Christology, but enough. 

Decree 11 of CG 34 implies we can 
have all this and fidelity too. But does 
common sense allow both? People no 
longer expect Jesuits to stand with the 
Pope. To some this is exalting, to others 
puzzling. In any case, something basic 
has changed in the Society since the 
years leading up to Humance vibe, some- 
thing that cannot be papered over by 
such decrees issued by congregations. 

We are told in this study (p. 23) 
that "[t]he desire to be faithful servants 
has been the passion and driving force of 
the Society of Jesus since its founda- 
tion." Agreed! "That same desire contin- 
ues to shape the life and ministry of the 
Society today." Well, provided you 
agree that "fidelity" now means some- 
thing different from what it did, and 
"Church" as well, and that "to" means 
"in," and that, to place the statement in 
a context, whereas the Church and the 
faith were under attack in the sixteenth 
century, they are not so today. 

Fortified by such provisos, Jesuits 
may confidently assert what the randy 
poet put so beautifully to his puzzled 



42 



Letters to the Editor 



43 



girlfriend: "I have been faithful to thee, 
Cynara! in my fashion." 

Martin McDermott, S.J. 

Bibliotheque Orientale 
Rue de l'Universite Saint-Joseph 
B.P. 166775 Achrafieh 
Beirut, Lebanon 



Editor: 

I appreciate Fr. Martin McDer- 
mott's response to my issue of STUDIES. 
I hope that my essay will encourage 
readers to examine more closely the doc- 
ument from GC 34 and to dialogue with 
others about the meaning of fidelity. I 
am grateful that Fr. McDermott has 
taken the time to enter into that dia- 
logue. I would like, however, to clarify 
a few points. 

The reference to Thomas Aquinas 
was more a historical footnote than a 
major argument. Mention of it was cer- 
tainly not intended to justify a parallel 
magisterium in the Church today, but 



only to note that Thomas spoke of two 
magisteria. I was not proposing a second 
magisterium in my essay, but rather a 
recognition of the role and responsibil- 
ity of all Christians to search together 
for the truth in a dialogic community 
with different gifts. This does imply a 
new understanding of Church and fideli- 
ty, but one that is rooted in a Vatican II 
theology of Church. 

Finally, I say explicitly that fidelity 
"in" the Church includes fidelity "to" 
the Church; but I also think that we 
have suffered from too narrow an under- 
standing of fidelity, one that does not 
acknowledge the voice of the Spirit in 
all Christians and that discourages rather 
than encourages informed and open dis- 
cussion in the Church. 

Gerald M. Fagin, S.J. 

Loyola University 

6363 St. Charles Avenue 

New Orleans, LA 70118-6195 



□ 



Past Issues: Studies in the Spirituality of Jesuits 

(For prices, see inside back cover.) 

1/1 Sheets, Profile of the Contemporary Jesuit (Sept. 1969) 

1/2 Ganss, Authentic Spiritual Exercises: History and Terminology (Nov. 1969) 

2/1 Burke, Institution and Person (Feb. 1970) 

2/2 Futrell, Ignatian Discernment (Apr. 1970) 

2/3 Lonergan, Response of the Jesuit as Priest and Apostle (Sept. 1970) 

3/1 Wright, Grace of Our Founder and the Grace of Our Vocation (Feb. 1971) 

3/2 O'Flaherty, Some Reflections on Jesuit Commitment (Apr. 1971) 

3/4 Toner, A Method for Communal Discernment of God's Will (Sept. 1971) 

3/5 Sheets, Toward a Theology of the Religious Life (Nov. 1971) 

4/2 Two Discussions: I. Spiritual Direction, II. Leadership and Authority (Mar. 1972) 

4/3 Orsy, Some Questions about the Purpose and Scope of the General Congregation (June 1972) 

4/4 Ganss, Wright, O'Malley, O'Donovan, Dulles, On Continuity and Change: A Symposium 
(Oct. 1972) 

5/1-2 O'Flaherty, Renewal: Call and Response (Jan.-Mar. 1973) 

5/3 Arrupe, McNaspy, The Place of Art in Jesuit Life (Apr. 1973) 

5/4 Haughey, The Pentecostal Thing and Jesuits (June 1973) 

5/5 Orsy, Toward a Theological Evaluation of Communal Discernment (Oct. 1973) 

6/3 Knight, Joy and Judgment in Religious Obedience (Apr. 1974) 

7/1 Wright, Ganss, Orsy, On Thinking with the Church Today (Jan. 1975) 

7/2 Ganss, Christian Life Communities from the Sodalities (Mar. 1975) 

7/3 Connolly, Contemporary Spiritual Direction: Scope and Principles (June 1975) 

7/5 Buckley, The Confirmation of a Promise; Padberg, Continuity and Change in General 

Congregation XXXII (Nov. 1975) 

8/1 O'Neill, Acatamiento: Ignatian Reverence (Jan. 1976) 

8/2-3 De la Costa, Sheridan, and others, On Becoming Poor: A Symposium on Evangelical Poverty 
(Mar.-May 1976) 

8/4 Faricy, Jesuit Community: Community of Prayer (Oct. 1976) 

9/1-2 Becker, Changes in U.S. Jesuit Membership, 1958-75; Others, Reactions and Explanations 
(Jan.-Mar. 1977) 

9/4 Connolly, Land, Jesuit Spiritualities and the Struggle for Social Justice (Sept. 1977). 

9/5 Gill, A Jesuit's Account of Conscience (Nov. 1977) 

10/1 Kammer, "Burn-Out"— Dilemma for the Jesuit Social Activist (Jan. 1978) 

10/4 Harvanek, Status of Obedience in the Society of Jesus; Others, Reactions to Connolly-Land 

(Sept. 1978) 

11/1 Clancy, Feeling Bad about Feeling Good (Jan. 1979) 

11/2 Maruca, Our Personal Witness as Power to Evangelize Culture (Mar. 1979) 

11/3 Klein, American Jesuits and the Liturgy (May 1979) 

11/5 Conwell, The Kamikaze Factor: Choosing Jesuit Ministries (Nov. 1979) 

12/2 Henriot, Appleyard, Klein, Living Together in Mission: A Symposium on Small Apostolic 

Communities (Mar. 1980) 

12/3 Conwell, Living and L>ying in the Society of Jesus (May 1980) 

12/4-5 Schineller, Newer Approaches to Christology and Their Use in the Spiritual Exercises (Sept. -Nov. 
1980) 

13/1 Peter, Alcoholism in Jesuit Life (Jan. 1981) 

13/3 Ganss, Towards Understanding the Jesuit Brothers' Vocation (May 1981) 

13/4 Reites, St. Ignatius of Loyola and the Jews (Sept. 1981) 

14/1 O'Malley, The Jesuits, St. Ignatius, and the Counter Reformation (Jan. 1982) 



14/2 Dulles, St. Ignatius and Jesuit Theological Tradition (Mar. 1982) 

14/4 Gray, An Experience in Ignatian Government (Sept. 1982) 

14/5 Ivern, The Future of Faith and Justice: Review of Decree Four (Nov. 1982) 

15/1 O'Malley, The Fourth Vow in Its Ignatian Context (Jan. 1983) 

15/2 Sullivan and Faricy, On Making the Spiritual Exercises for Renewal of Jesuit Charisms (Mar. 

1983) 

15/3-4 Padberg, The Society True to Itself: A Brief History of the 32nd General Congregation of the 

Society of Jesus (May-Sept. 1983) 

Tetlow, Jesuits' Mission in Higher Education (Nov. 1983-Jan. 1984) 

O'Malley, To Travel to Any Part of the World: Jeronimo Nadal and the Jesuit Vocation (Mar. 

1984) 

16/3 O'Hanlon, Integration of Christian Practices: A Western Christian Looks East (May 1984) 

16/4 Carlson, "A Faith Lived Out of Doors": Ongoing Formation (Sept. 1984) 

16/5 Kinerk, Eliciting Great Desires: Their Place in the Spirituality of the Society of Jesus (Nov. 1984) 

17/1 Spohn, St. Paul on Apostolic Celibacy and the Body of Christ (Jan. 1985) 

17/2 Daley, "In Ten Thousand Places": Christian Universality and the Jesuit Mission (Mar. 1985) 

17/3 Tetlow, Dialogue on the Sexual Maturing of Celibates (May 1985) 

17/4 Spohn, Coleman, Clarke, Henriot, Jesuits and Peacemaking (Sept. 1985) 

17/5 Kinerk, When Jesuits Pray: A Perspective on the Prayer of Apostolic Persons (Nov. 1985) 

18/1 Gelpi, The Converting Jesuit (Jan. 1986). 

18/2 Beirne, Compass and Catalyst: The Ministry of Administration. (Mar. 1986) 

18/3 McCormick, Bishops as Teachers and Jesuits as Listeners (May 1986) 

18/5 Tetlow, The Transformation of Jesuit Poverty (Nov. 1986). 

19/1 Staudenmaier, United States Technology and Adult Commitment (Jan. 1987) 

19/2 Appleyard, Languages We Use: Talking about Religious Experience (Mar. 1987) 

19/5 Endean, Who Do You Say Ignatius Is? Jesuit Fundamentalism and Beyond (Nov. 1987) 

20/1 Brackley, Downward Mobility: Social Implications of St. Ignatius's Two Standards Qan. 1988) 

20/2 Padberg, How We Live Where We Live (Mar. 1988) 

20/3 Hayes, Padberg, Staudenmaier, Symbols, Devotions, and Jesuits (May 1988) 

20/4 McGovern, Jesuit Education and Jesuit Spirituality (Sept. 1988) 

20/5 Barry, Jesuit Formation Today: An Invitation to Dialogue and Involvement (Nov. 1988) 

21/1 Wilson, Where Do We Belong? United States Jesuits and Their Memberships (Jan. 1989) 

21/2 Demoustier, Calvez, et al., The Disturbing Subject: The Option for the Poor (Mar. 1989) 

21/3 Soukup, Jesuit Response to the Communication Revolution (May 1989) 

22/1 Carroll, The Spiritual Exercises in Everyday Life (Jan. 1990) 

22/2 Bracken, Jesuit Spirituality from a Process Prospective (March 1990) 

22/3 Shepherd, Fire for a Weekend: An Experience of the Exercises (May 1990) 

22/4 O'Sullivan, Trust Your Feelings, but Use Your Head (Sept. 1990) 

22/5 Coleman, A Company of Critics: Jesuits and the Intellectual Life (Nov. 1990) 

23/1 Houdek, The Road Too Often Traveled (Jan. 1991) 

23/2 DiGiacomo, Ministering to the Young (March 1991) 

23/3 Begheyn and Bogart, A Bibliography on St. Ignatius's Spiritual Exercises (May 1991) 

23/4 Shelton, Reflections on the Mental Health of Jesuits (Sept. 1991) 

23/5 Toolan, "Nature Is a Heraclitean Fire" (Nov. 1991) 

24/1 Houdek, Jesuit Prayer and Jesuit Ministry: Context and Possibilities (Jan. 1992) 

24/2 Smolich, Testing the Water: Jesuits Accompanying the Poor (March 1992) 

24/3 Hassel, Jesus Christ Changing Yesterday, Today, and Forever (May 1992) 

24/4 Shelton, Toward Healthy Jesuit Community Living (Sept. 1992) 

24/5 Cook, Jesus' Parables and the Faith That Does Justice (Nov. 1992) 

25/2 Donahue, What Does the Lord Require? (March 1993)-ONCE AGAIN AVAILABLE 

25/3 Padberg, Ignatius, the Popes, and Realistic Reverence (May 1993) 



25/4 Stahel, Toward General Congregation 34 (Sept. 1993) 

25/5 Baldovin, Christian Liturgy: An Annotated Bibliography (Nov. 1993) 

26/1 Tetlow, The Most Postmodern Prayer (Jan. 1994) 

26/2 Murphy, The Many Ways of Justice (March 1994) 

26/3 Staudenmaier, To Fall in Love with the World (May 1994) 

26/4 Foley, Stepping into the River (Sept. 1994) 

26/5 Landy, Myths That Shape Us (Nov. 1994) 

27/1 Daley, "To Be More like Christ" (Jan. 1995) 

27/2 Schmidt, Portraits and Landscapes (March 1995) 

27/3 Stockhausen, I'd Love to, but I Don't Have the Time (May 1995) 

27/4 Anderson, Jesuits in Jail, Ignatius to the Present (Sept. 1995) 

27/5 Shelton, Friendship in Jesuit Life (Nov. 1995) 

28/1 Begheyn, Bibliography on the History of the Jesuits (Jan. 1996) 

28/2 Veale, Saint Ignatius Speaks about "Ignatian Prayer" (March 1996) 

28/3 Clooney, In Ten Thousand Places, in Every Blade of Grass (May 1996) 

28/4 Starkloff, "As Different As Night and Day" (Sept. 1996) 

28/5 Beckett, Listening to Our History (Nov. 1996) 

29/1 Hamm, Preaching Biblical Justice (Jan. 1997) 

29/2 Padberg, The Three Forgotten Founders (March 1997) 

29/3 Byrne, Jesuits and Parish Ministry (May 1997) 

29/4 Keenan, Are Informationes Ethical? (Sept. 1997) 

29/5 Ferlita, The Road to Bethlehem-Is It Level or Winding? (Nov. 1997) 

30/1 Shore, The Vita Christi of Ludolph of Saxony and Its Influence on the Spiritual Exercises of 

Ignatius of Loyola (Jan. 1998) 

30/2 Starkloff, "I'm No Theologian, but . . . (or So . . . )?" (March 1998) 

30/3 Torrens, The Word That Clamors (May 1998) 

30/4 Petrik, "Being Sent" (Sept. 1998) 

30/5 Jackson, "One and the Same Vocation" (Nov. 1998) 

31/1 Clifford, Scripture and the Exercises (Jan. 1999) 

31/2 Toohig, Physics Research, a Search for God (March 1999) 

31/3 Fagin, Fidelity in the Church— Then and Now (May 1999) 

31/4 Schineller, Pilgrim Journey of Ignatius (Sept. 1999) 

31/5 Fullam, Juana, S.J: Status of Women in the Society (Nov. 1999) 



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